Not a single member of the ND government—Culture Minister Lina Mendoni included—came out to publicly support the museum’s stand. Four days later the artworks were withdrawn, with the museum citing security concerns amid protests outside by far-right religious figures.
The mass movement of young people and workers that broke out two years after the Tempi train crash is shaking the ruling class in Greece. In the face of the biggest protests in the country’s history, the government is hanging on by a thread.
The mass movement over Tempi developed in direct opposition to all the major parties, with demonstrations featuring banners reading “Syriza, PASOK, ND [New Democracy]—Tempi has a history”, and largely outside of the structures of the trade unions.
Thousands of students took to the streets nationwide last Friday, with protests held in the capital Athens, the second city Thessaloniki as well as in Larissa, Patras, Serres, Volos, Chania and Heraklion.
The demonstrations recalled the mass protests of the working class which filled up city centres during the movement against austerity in Greece from 2010.
What Woods, et al, now dare to dismiss as the defence by a “sect” of an “orthodoxy” disproved by events, as they themselves oriented to the counter-revolutionary bureaucracies, represented the essential struggle for the perspective of world socialist revolution and the international party required for its realisation.
Whenever the trade union bureaucracy call a general strike in Greece, it is a sure sign that they fear an escalation of the class struggle which could spiral out of their control.
Millions in various sectors are angered at stagnating wages and attacks on conditions amid a worsening cost-of-living crisis, expressed in the wave of strikes this month by many thousands of workers across different industries.
The FSP seeks to dupe working people into believing that the deepening attacks on democratic and social rights can be resolved within the capitalist system and the framework of discredited electoral politics.
The most high-profile eviction case was that of Ioanna Kolovou, a retired journalist. She was evicted from her home along with her 28-year-old disabled son at the end of January this year. According to reports a large crowd gathered outside her home which was attacked with tear gas by the riot police who then arrested Kolovou and her son.
The New Democracy government’s attacks on the working class have earned it widespread praise from the global financial elite Standard and Poor’s has updated its outlook on Greece from “stable” to “positive”, while German business interests speak of Greece as a new model.
An invaluable asset in making a political appraisal of Feinstein is his own self-aggrandising account of his time in the ANC, After the Party—leading up to his removal as chair of a subcommittee of the parliamentary Public Accounts Committee in July 2001—his resignation and then quitting South Africa for the UK.
The strident posturing of groups such as the Socialist Workers Party, Counterfire, the Socialist Party and the newly established Revolutionary Communist Party (formerly Socialist Appeal) as opponents of Starmer’s support for Israel’s genocide of the Palestinians in Gaza and his broader pro-business agenda has been stripped bare in a matter of days.
While fawned on by upper middle class layers, Varoufakis, a political scoundrel and opportunist of the first order, was culpable for one of the most significant betrayals of the working class this century.
The personal and political reverence of leading Left Party representatives for Schäuble, the long-serving chairman of the Christian Democrats and former finance and interior minister, is not simply a character quirk. It expresses the thoroughly pro-capitalist and right-wing essence of the Left Party.
Kasselakis was an unknown in Greece until this year, having lived in the United States. He worked first as a trader at Goldman Sachs and then ran several shipping companies.