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: Germany
Former German foreign minister warns of Israeli strike against
Iran
By Stefan Steinberg
4 June 2008
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In an article which appeared at the end of May in the English-language
newspapers Daily Star (Lebanon) and National Post (Canada),
former German foreign minister and Green Party leader Joschka
Fischer warned that Israel is planning to attack Iran in the near
future.
Under the headline War With Iran Is On the Horizon,
Fischer begins by referring to a misguided American policy
which has produced a situation where the threat of another
military confrontation hangs like a dark cloud over the Middle
East.
Fischer declares that as a result of Bush administration policy,
the enemies of the United States have been strengthened and new
alliances have been forged in the Middle East.
He cites a number of factors which heighten the probability
of an Israeli military strike against Iran, including persistently
high oil prices, which have created new financial and political
opportunities for Iran; the possible defeat of the West and its
regional allies in proxy wars in Gaza and Lebanon; and the United
Nations Security Councils failure to induce Iran to accept
even a temporary freeze of its nuclear program.
Fischer points out that the central axis of the recent visit
by President George Bush to Israel was not to encourage a resolution
of the conflict between Palestine and Israel, but rather to put
together an alliance to support harsher measures against Iran,
including military options.
He writes that those who had expected his visit would
mainly be about the stalled negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians were bitterly disappointed. He continues: Bushs
central topic, including his speech to Israels Knesset,
was Iran. Bush had promised to bring the Middle East conflict
closer to a resolution before the end of his term this year. But
his final visit to Israel seemed to indicate that his objective
was different: He seemed to be planning, together with Israel,
to end the Iranian nuclear programand to do so by military,
rather than by diplomatic, means.
Fischer goes onto list six factors surrounding Bushs
visit to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the
state of Israel that point to the likelihood of an Israeli assault
on Iran:
First, Bushs call to stop the appeasement!
is a demand raised across the political spectrum in Israeland
what is meant is the alleged nuclear threat emanating from Iran.
Second, while Israel celebrated, Defence Minister Ehud Barak
was quoted as saying that a life-and-death military confrontation
was a distinct possibility.
Third, the outgoing commander of the Israeli Air Force declared
that the force was capable of any mission, no matter how difficult,
to protect the countrys security. The destruction of an
alleged Syrian nuclear facility last year, which evoked no serious
international reaction, is viewed as a precursor to the coming
action against Iran.
Fourth, the Israeli wish list for US arms deliveries, discussed
with the American president, focused mainly on the improvement
of the attack capabilities and precision of the Israeli Air Force.
Fifth, diplomatic initiatives and UN sanctions when it comes
to Iran are seen as hopelessly ineffective.
And sixth, with the approaching end of the Bush presidency
and uncertainty about his successors policy, the window
of opportunity for Israeli action is seen as potentially closing.
Fischer stresses that the last two factors carry special
weight... the feeling in Israel is that the political window of
opportunity to attack is now, during the last months of Bushs
presidency.
Fischers warning of an Israeli strike against Iran within
the next few months should be taken with great seriousness. Fischer
was foreign minister and vice chancellor in the two coalition
governments of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Green
Party between 1998 and 2005, and cultivated extensive political
contacts in both the Middle East and the US.
He played a role in ensuring that Germany did not participate
in the US-led coalition of the willing that invaded
Iraq in 2003. Famously, in 2003 Fischer told then-US Defence Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld that he was not convinced by the reasons
given by Rumsfeld to justify the Iraq war. At the same time, in
his role as foreign minister, Fischer established close links
with the Israeli government and repeatedly stressed that Germany
would consistently seek to defend Israeli interests.
Following the defeat of the SPD-Green Party alliance in 2005,
Fischer announced his withdrawal from leading political positions
in the Green Party. However, he continues to write regularly on
international political affairs. In his post as visiting scholar
at the Woodrow Wilson International Centre in Washington, Fischer
maintains close relations with leading US political figures.
In April 2006, Fischer was one of a group of former foreign
ministersfrom France, the Netherlands, Poland, Luxembourg
and the US (Madeleine Albright)who publicly called upon
the Bush government to open up direct talks with Tehran over the
Iranian governments plans for its own uranium enrichment
program.
As foreign minister, Fischer consistently furthered the interests
of German imperialismin particular, in the Middle East.
At the same time, while rejecting any direct role in the Iraq
war, he sought to avoid a confrontation with the US.
It should also be noted that while now warning against the
dangers of an Israeli strike against Iran, Fischer justifies the
argumentation used by the Israelis themselves for such an act
of aggression, i.e., the perception of an existential
threat to Israel from Tehran. Instead of criticising the Israeli
war drive, Fischer stresses that Iran must back down and make
concessions to prevent a conflict. Fischer makes clear that he
would side with Israel (and the US) in the event of war.
Fischers warning of an impending war with Iran comes
at a point when profound divisions are emerging within the German
grand coalition government (SPD, Christian
Democratic Union, Christian Social Union) about how
to respond to US and Israeli aggression in the Middle East.
In March this year, German Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) visited
Israel and gave a speech to the Israeli parliament in which she
declared that Germany would not hesitate in using additional,
tougher sanctions to convince Iran to stop its nuclear program.
Any such hesitation, she continued, would mean that we would
have neither understood our historical responsibilities nor developed
an awareness of the challenges of our time.
Merkels declaration was taken as an unequivocal statement
of solidarity with Israel and the US in their campaigns against
Iran. In 2001, Merkel had made clear her own position of unqualified
support for American imperialism by speaking out in favour of
the US invasion of Iraq.
Since her March visit to Israel, Germanys business lobby,
which has extensive interests in Iran, has expressed its displeasure
with Merkels stance. An article in the business newspaper
Handelsblatt at the end of April noted that Merkel was
becoming the closest partner of Washington in the isolation
of Iran and warned that Merkels chancellery had
by and large excluded the Foreign Office and the Economics
Ministry with regard to Tehran.
While Fischers successor as foreign minister and vice
chancellor, Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD), seeks to publicly play
down any differences with Chancellor Merkel, there is increasing
evidence that the coalition partners are adopting different approaches
with regard to Iran.
German banks and corporations are still smarting from American
pressure for intensified sanctions, which forced a number of key
players to withdraw their interests from Iran. In response to
US pressure, three of Germanys leading banks (Commerz Bank,
Deutsche Bank and Dresdner Bank) pulled out of Iran in 2007. There
are signs, however, that the German Foreign Ministry and business
interests are seeking to bypass Merkel and the chancellery and
strengthen their ties with the Iranian government.
In a little publicised trip, Iranian Vice Foreign Minister
S.E. Mehdi Safari visited Berlin in April for three days of talks
with officials at the German foreign, interior and economics ministries.
The Iranian vice foreign minister also held talks with judicial
authorities and businessmen.
During his stay in Berlin, Safari warned that Germany was missing
out on business opportunities in Iran. He told reporters, Commerce
between our two states has decreased... However, Irans trade
with Asian nations has more than doubled in the past three years...
Who is losing out? You have to ask yourself.
According to figures released in February by the Economics
Ministry, German exports to Iran dropped to 3.2 billion euros
($5 billion) in 2007 from the 2006 figure of 4.3 billion euros
($6.8 billion).
After slowing between 2005 and 2007, German exports rose by
13 percent in January. With 3.2 billion euros of goods going to
Iran last year, backed by 500 million euros of export guarantees
from Berlin, Germany remains the worlds second largest exporter
to Iran.
The brochure Growth Markets in the Near and Middle East,
published last September by the Federal Agency for Foreign Trade
pointed out that Germany is Irans No. 1 supplier of almost
all types of machinery except for power systems and the building
sector, where Italian manufacturers dominate the Iranian market.
According to the German-Iranian Chamber of Industry and Commerce,
75 percent of all small and medium-sized factories in Iran
are equipped with German technology.
These extensive business interests are now under increasing
pressure, on the one side from the US-led campaign for economic
sanctions against Iran, and from the other by increasing competition
from the emerging Asian economies of India and China, which have
both expanded their business links with Tehran. In a recent visit
to Tehran for talks with Safari, a leading member of the conservative
CSU, Peter Ramsauer, warned that it would be a shame if
the Europeans just allowed the market here to slip from their
hands.
Coming in the wake of the catastrophic Iraq war, an Israeli
strike on Tehran would have disastrous consequences for the network
of economic and political relations carefully built up over decades
throughout by the Middle East by the German Foreign Ministry and
intelligence services. Foreign Minister Steinmeier is currently
touring the Middle East. Following a stop in Lebanon, he went
on to visit Israel.
While maintaining the front of a unified position within the
ruling German coalition, Steinmeier is evidently intent on developing
a German-led European axis intent on a diplomatic solution to
the issue of Iranian uranium enrichment, as opposed to the increasingly
warlike rhetoric from Tel Aviv and Washington.
It is certainly no coincidence that during Steinmeiers
current trip a leading German intelligence agent in the region
was instrumental in a gesture of conciliation, i.e., the handover
to the Israeli government by the Lebanese Hezbollah of the remains
of Israeli soldiers killed in the war between the two states in
2006.
The former foreign minister has now entered this foreign policy
conflict to warn of the dangers of a unilateral military strike
by Israel on Tehran. In his latest article, Fischer is ringing
the alarm bells. After the fiasco of US policy in Iraq, Fischer
and an influential layer of the German political and business
elite fear that Israel, in alliance with the US, is threatening
to plunge the entire Middle East into a military and political
maelstrom with barely imaginable consequences.
See Also:
Bush administration uses IAEA
report to make new demands and threats to Iran
[29 May 2008]
Israel and Syria announce
negotiations amid ongoing US-Israeli threats to Iran
[26 May 2008]
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