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Philip Agee, former agent who exposed CIA crimes, dies in
Cuba
By Patrick Martin
14 January 2008
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Philip Agee, the former CIA operative who broke with the agency
and devoted his life to exposing its role in political subversion,
assassination, torture and support for military dictatorships,
died January 7 in Cuba. Cuban sources said that he died of peritonitis
after ulcer surgery. He was 72.
Agee joined the CIA in 1957, at the age of 22, soon after graduating
from the University of Notre Dame. He worked for the agency for
12 years, with three tours of duty in Latin America, in Ecuador,
Uruguay and Mexico. He resigned in 1969, after witnessing the
US-backed bloodbath against student protesters on the eve of the
1968 Olympics in Mexico City.
After a six-year effort to write an exposé, find a publisher
and evade CIA efforts to suppress his revelations, Agee saw his
book Inside the Company: CIA Diary published by Penguin
Books in London. It gave a meticulous account of CIA activities
in the three Latin American countries, including the recruitment
of officials in each country as CIA informants, the sponsoring
of right-wing media and political parties, and close collaboration
with local repressive forces, both police and military, in the
arrest, torture and murder of leftist students, workers and political
activists.
The book was filled with details of CIA tradecraft, including
the codenames and descriptions of numerous operations, and concluding
with a list of nearly 250 CIA operatives, local agents and informants,
whom Agee identified under their real names as well as their pseudonyms.
Inside the Company was a political bombshell, coming
amid widespread revelations of CIA assassination plots, involvement
in military coups such as the 1973 bloodbath in Chile, and illegal
surveillance against the American people, particularly those opposed
to the Vietnam War. The book became a bestseller despite efforts
by the US government to block its publication and distribution,
and it sparked additional efforts by left-wing political activists
to expose CIA operations.
Agee participated in these efforts, co-sponsoring Covert
Action Information Bulletin, a magazine devoted to blowing
the cover on CIA activities, and co-authoring several books that
named thousands of CIA agents in Africa and Western Europe. He
drew on his knowledge of CIA practices and combed lists of US
diplomatic and military personnel stationed abroad to identify
those likely to be undercover operatives.
Agee was at pains to declare his political motivation in turning
against the agency. He was not a mercenary defecting to the Stalinist
side in the Cold War, he maintained, and he publicly refused collaboration
with the Soviet KGB and the Cuban DGI. His goal was to help save
the lives of those targeted for mass murder by US imperialism,
and to contribute to the victory of popular revolutionary movements.
He told the New York Times in 1974, on the eve of the publication
of Inside the Company, I wrote it for revolutionary
organizations in the United States, in Latin America and everywhere
else. I wrote it as a contribution to the socialist revolution.
Even before publication of Inside the Company, Agee
faced death threats originating in the US intelligence apparatus.
After the books release, he was a marked man, targeted by
the CIA and the US government as a whole. Country after country
expelled him or refused admission, under pressure from Washington.
In 1978, the British Labour government of Prime Minister James
Callaghan deported him in response to his efforts to expose CIA
backing of a right-wing, pro-US political party in Jamaica.
In 1979, the Carter administration revoked his passport, citing
national security reasons. In 1982, the Democratic-controlled
Congress passed the Intelligence Identities Protection Act, making
it illegal to deliberately expose the identities of CIA officers,
even if the information was gathered from publicly available sources.
In 1987, Agee published a memoir, On the Run, which
gave more details of his break with the agency and the CIAs
efforts to retaliate. He had formed a relationship with a leftist
Brazilian woman who had been tortured under the military junta
that seized power in that country in 1964. Even after leaving
the agency, he struggled with the decision to expose its operations.
He wrote: It was a time in the 70s when the worst
imaginable horrors were going on in Latin America. Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Guatemala, El Salvadorthey
were military dictatorships with death squads, all with the backing
of the CIA and the US government. That was what motivated me to
name all the names and work with journalists who were interested
in knowing just who the CIA were in their countries.
In his review of On the Run, published in the New
York Times, Thomas Powers wrote: Did Mr. Agees
activity hurt the agency? You bet it hurt. The best evidence of
how much can be found in his careful account of CIA efforts to
convince him he had been neither forgiven nor forgottenfollowing
him on his travels, spreading rumors about his alleged connection
with the KGB and DGI, surrounding him with agents, tapping his
telephone and even providing him with an elaborately wired typewriter
in order to monitor what he was putting down on paper. Most difficult
of all was a two-year period in the mid-1970s, when the agency,
with high-level help, managed to bar him from residence in Britain,
France, Italy and the Netherlands, apparently hoping to hound
him until he was forced to take up residence in the Soviet bloc,
where his true allegiance (from the agencys point of view)
would no longer be in doubt
Agee survived this campaign, and eventually settled in Hamburg,
Germany, where he lived with his second wife, American ballerina
Giselle Roberge Agee. He also maintained an apartment in Havana,
and operated a small business promoting American travel to Cuba.
He remained a continual target of harassment and smear tactics
by the US government. One of the more notorious slanders was that
Agees revelations had led to the assassination of Richard
Welch, the CIA station chief in Athens, who was shot to death
by a Greek terrorist organization in 1975. Welch was not named
in Inside the Company, which focused on Latin America,
and it is now known that his identity was uncovered by local journalists
in Athens.
This did not stop President George H. W. Bush, who was CIA
director in 1976-1977, from accusing Agee of responsibility for
Welchs death in a 1989 speech at CIA headquarters in Langley,
Virginia (in the building now named after himself). The slander
was repeated by Barbara Bush, the former first lady, in her 1994
autobiography. Agee sued her for libel, forcing a legal settlement
in which Mrs. Bush agreed to remove the charge from subsequent
editions of her book.
Agee remained committed to exposing the CIA, and at the time
of his death was reportedly working on a book about CIA subversive
activities in Venezuela. His trajectory was a singular one: he
is the only CIA covert operative known to have broken with the
agency out of revulsion against its crimes, and possessed of the
moral courage to make that break public, thus risking repression
or assassination.
Despite his avowal of socialismwhich he wrongly identified
with the Cuban stateAgees was the voice of outraged
moral conscience rather than politically educated understanding.
As he wrote in Inside the Company, When I joined
the CIA I believed in the need for its existence.... After 12
years with the agency I finally understood how much suffering
it was causing, that millions of people all over the world had
been killed or had their lives destroyed by the CIA and the institutions
it supports.
Agee wrote of one interrogation session in Uruguay that he
overheard from an adjoining room: The moaning grew in intensity,
turning to screams. By then I knew we were listening to someone
being tortured.... Im going to be hearing that voice for
a long time.
The crimes exposed by Agee and others have the utmost relevance
today, when the role of the CIA in torture, secret prisons and
illegal detentions is once more the focus of public attention.
See Also:
Bush threatens escalation
of aggression against Cuba
[25 October 2007]
Outlaw regimes
and the harboring of terrorists: the case of Posada Carriles
[23 September 2006]
Why US troops are
occupying Haiti
[5 October 2004]
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