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New Zealand: Charges dropped after anti-terror
police raids
By John Braddock
30 November 2007
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New Zealand Solicitor-General, David Collins QC, announced
on November 8 that terrorism charges would not proceed against
12 of the 17 people detained in a massive anti-terror
police operation three weeks earlier. Far from backing down, however,
the Labour government has indicated its determination to exploit
the lurid but untested claims surrounding the incident to justify
even more draconian counter-terrorism laws.
The arrests were carried out on October 15 following raids
involving 300 police in Auckland, Wellington, Palmerston North,
Hamilton, Christchurch, Whakatane and Ruatoki. Sixteen people
appeared in the Auckland District Court on firearms charges, which
remain in place. Twelve had their cases referred to the solicitor-general
for consideration on October 29 under the Terrorism Suppression
Act (TSA). The Act requires that Attorney-General Michael Cullen
approve such charges, but he delegated the authority to the solicitor-general.
The raids took place in the traditional homelands of the Tuhoe
Maori tribe in the remote Uruwera Ranges. The entire area was
placed under siege as armed police and officers wearing camouflage
gear arrived via vehicle convoys and a helicopter. Police claimed
that between 20 and 40 people had been participating in bush training
camps in the Uruweras, involving the use of firearms and other
weapons. The operation was followed by a full-blown media scare
campaign about terrorists training for attacks against
prominent public buildings and figures.
The dropping of the terrorism charges confirms the threadbare
character of the case against the 12. Collins stated that while
the police had provided evidence that a number of the accused
were involved in very disturbing activities, it was
insufficient to meet the high threshold of evidential
requirements for charges to be laid under the TSA. He was quick
to praise the police for their professionalism and integrity
and highlight the supposed deficiencies of the legislation.
Collins criticised the TSA as unnecessarily complex,
incoherent and as a result almost impossible to apply to the domestic
circumstances observed by the police in this case. The government
promptly declared it would act on Collinss comments and
refer the Act to the Law Commission for review and strengthening.
According to Prime Minister Helen Clark, the main issue was that
in its current form, the legislation was designed with external
terrorist threats in mind, and was never framed to deal with domestic
casesa shortcoming that would be addressed in any rewrite
of the law.
The hysteria surrounding the raids has already provided a convenient
pretext for pushing through long-planned amendments to the 2002
Act. These were reported back to parliament from a select committee
within days of the raids and easily passed their second reading
on October 24, less than two weeks later. Among the new provisions
is a vague new definition of a terrorist act as one which is intended
to induce terror in a civilian population. The charge
carries a possible life sentence. The changes also remove the
power to designate terrorist groups from the High
Court and place it solely in the prime ministers hands.
There has been rising opposition to the police raids and plans
to undermine basic democratic rights through changes to the anti-terror
laws. Demonstrations involving several thousand people have taken
place. These included a hikoi, or protest march, by 200
members of the Tuhoi tribe and their supporters. They travelled
hundreds of kilometres from Whakatane to Wellington via several
regional centres to protest their treatment outside parliament.
Simmering tensions erupted on November 3 outside the Labour
Party conference. Delegates had to run a gauntlet amid cries of
shame from 150 protesters as they entered the venue.
The protesters alleged that a Labour Party delegate assaulted
one or more of their number. Television footage appeared to show
conference delegate Len Richards using a megaphone to strike a
protester in the face. The altercation happened after Richards
and fellow delegate Jill Ovens emerged to purportedly attempt
to tell protesters the Service and Food Workers Union, which Ovens
represents, was on their side.
Coverage of the incident overshadowed Clarks keynote
speech, in which she justified the police operation. Breaching
legal restraints on sub judice, the prime minister virtually
declared that the accused were guilty, saying it was distressing
and abhorrent for a disaffected group to be
engaged in paramilitary training as alleged by the police. The
clash with protesters underlined the growing isolation of the
Labour government which, after eight years in office, has presided
over unprecedented attacks on democratic rights and social conditions.
Various erstwhile lefts and middle class radicals
have stepped in to defend Labour. Chief among these has been commentator
Chris Trotter who used two of his weekly Dominion Post
newspaper columns, entitled From the Left, to justify
the raids. Trotter glowingly described Police Commissioner Howard
Broad as an honourable and decent police officer and no
redneck and condemned the victims of the raids as arrogant
for turning their backs on the long traditions of peaceful protest
and incorporating firearms and explosives into their political
repertoire.
In fact, as the decision to drop the anti-terror charges demonstrates,
the evidence against the accused would not have stood up in court.
The police were clearly keen to use the operation to establish
a precedent for widespread surveillance and eavesdropping under
the anti-terror laws. Hundreds of pages of intercepted communications
as well as photographic and video surveillance will not now be
tested in court as they were obtained under warrants issued under
the Terrorism Act and can only be used to support charges under
that act. Collins admitted that it was unlikely the
interception warrants could have been obtained under any other
legislation.
Prominent Queens Counsel, Peter Williams, engaged by
the Tuhoe tribe to look into a possible class action suit, described
the police tactics used in the raids as illegal. Speaking after
visiting the Ruatoki area, Williams said the police did not have
the right to take the occupants of one particular house into custody
unless they had been charged with offences. People were taken
into custody at gunpoint. Some residents, including young children,
were detained for many hours, and the armed raids and searches
were terrifying for the innocent adults and children exposed to
them.
The dropping of charges was the second failure of a major anti-terrorism
case in little more than a month. In September a high-profile
security risk immigration case against Algerian asylum
seeker, Ahmed Zaoui, foundered when the Security Intelligence
Service (SIS) was forced into an ignominious u-turn and drop its
opposition to Zaoui remaining in the country after declaring for
five years he was a suspected terrorist and should be deported.
In a bid to salvage the Uruwera Ranges terror scare, two major
Fairfax-owned daily newspapersthe Dominion Post and
Christchurch Presstook the extraordinary step on
November 14 of defying a legal injunction and publishing portions
of the 156-page affidavit of secret police evidence that had been
rejected by Collins. The affidavit was obviously leaked to the
press by the government or the police in order to justify their
actions. Clark publicly endorsed the decision to publish, despite
its dubious legality, saying that everyone was frustrated
by not knowing what was worrying the police.
The Dominion Post published a sensational front-page
report, headed The Terrorism Files, selectively highlighting
bits of conversation threatening to blow up opposition leader
John Key should he become prime minister, use extreme violence
to hurt the country, engage in guerrilla
war, blow up installations and kill Pakeha or European
New Zealanders. Some conversations referred to the use of IRA
and Al Qaeda training manuals.
Much of this could have been just hot air and braggadocio.
None of the material in the police affidavit suggests that any
of the accused had taken any concrete steps to put their threats
into action. One of the accused, Aucklander Jamie Lockett, described
as a 46-year-old bodyguard-turned private prosecutor,
is on record as claiming that he and others accused knew their
conversations were being bugged and deliberately set out to wind
up the police. The presence of police provocateurs among
the terrorists can also not be ruled out, given the
lengthy period of time they were under police surveillance.
A far smaller article in the New Zealand Herald on November
17 reported that the October 15 raids turned up a tiny arsenaljust
four weapons and 230 rounds of ammunition. The police have not
revealed what other weapons were seized in other property searches
using warrants obtained under the Terrorism Act. Of the 16 people
facing firearms offences, just two have been charged on the basis
of items found during the huge police operation on October 15.
The New Zealand terror scare follows the pattern of similar
operations around the worldsensationalised media coverage
of terrorist threats, the imposition of anti-democratic
legislation tearing up long-established democratic rights and
legal precedents, extensive police surveillance and the heavy
mobilisation of security forces. Under the guise of fighting terrorism,
police-state measures are being prepared for use against wider
social unrest as social inequality and economic instability deepen.
See Also:
New Zealand: 17 arrests in
nationwide "anti-terrorist" raids
[31 October 2007]
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