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Toronto International Film Festival 2006Part 2
The past is present
By David Walsh
26 September 2006
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This is the second of a series of articles devoted to the
recent Toronto film festival (September 7-16).
Even the most sinister and authoritarian regimes in the modern
era have sought to portray their actions as the defense of civilization
and find those elements in the population susceptible to such
justifications.
The subject of The Colonel (Mon Colonel), directed
by Laurent Herbiet and co-scripted by Costa-Gavras and Jean-Claude
Grumberg, is the ruthless effort by French colonialism to suppress
the Algerian independence struggle in the late 1950s.
The film opens with the murder of an elderly man some time
in the 1980s or early 1990s. He turns out to be a former officer
in the French army, Colonel Raoul Duplan (Olivier Gourmet), closely
identified with the conflict in Algeria. Envelopes containing
portions of a diary, evidently kept by an officer during the Algerian
war, begin arriving at army headquarters. A young female officer
is assigned to read them. The film alternates between scenes of
the army-police murder investigation and far longer sequences
treating the events in Algeria that help explain the killing decades
later.
Its moral pivot is the relationship between a young officer,
Guy Rossi (Robinson Stévenin), who arrives in the town
of St. Arnaud (a French city, claim the signs) in
Algeria in 1957 and comes under Duplans command. A lawyer,
a nominal leftist, Rossi has nonetheless volunteered as a legal
adviser in the military. He is quickly pressed into service.
Duplan (who inevitably brings to mind Col. Mathieu in Gillo
Pontecorvos The Battle of Algiers [1966]) hands him
the emergency laws passed by the French National Assembly and
tells him to translate them into military language. After an examination
of the measures, Rossi tells the colonel that the army can
do anything, nothing is excluded. The film unfolds from
this moment as Duplan obliges Rossi, little by little, to draw
and act on the logical conclusions of such a directive.
Essentially, Duplan argues, against the feeble protests of
the civilian administrators in Algeria and France, that the political
goals of the French authoritiestheir civilizing mission
in Algeria, the attempted pacification of the rebellious
populationcan only be achieved by the most resolute means,
including raids, destruction of property, arrests, beatings, torture
and summary executions, and that everything else is mere hypocrisy.
He makes no bones about this, even embarrassing visiting French
politicians with a frank written and photographic account of the
savage means by which information is being gathered. The forceful
colonel attempts, with some success at first, to seduce the weaker
Rossi into taking part in this project. He makes Rossi his intelligence
chief, which eventually obliges the young lieutenant to supervise
sessions of torture and humiliation.
While in St. Arnaud, Rossi also encounters René Ascensio
(Eric Caravaca), a leftist teacher with obvious sympathies for
the Arab cause. Rossi argues with his new acquaintance, asserting
sincerely that Well stamp out terrorism, then
rebuild the country. The military turns up evidence
that Ascencio is supplying the Algerian nationalist forces with
information, and Rossi is asked to ensnare him. The colonel offers
him an ultimatum....
The Colonel, based on a 1999 novel by Francis Zamponi,
is obviously sincere and concerned with compelling moral and political
issues. This is not a trivial or unserious work. Costa-Gavras
and Herbiet deserve commendation for continuing to examine the
historical record of French colonialism and dramatize its realities.
At a time when a wide spectrum of liberal and left
voices are providing justifications for new colonial adventures,
with untold consequences, the film could hardly be more timely.
Recognizing its merits, of course, doesnt mean closing
ones eyes to the films inadequacies. Setting The
Colonel in two different decades doesnt seem to serve
any particular function other than to justify our witnessing Duplan
meet his fate. In an interview, Costa-Gavras suggested that the
relationship between Rossi and the female officer reading his
diary years later was a kind of love story. If so,
its seriously underdeveloped. In general, the scenes laid
in the later period are far less intriguing.
The Algerian sequences, involving Gourmet (best known for his
association with the Dardenne brothers from Belgium, who co-produced
the film), Stévenin, Caravaca and Georges Siatidis, as
the cynical local police chief who facilitates the French militarys
reign of terror, are much more effective. The film is at its best
demonstrating Duplans utter devotion to the French colonial
cause. The problem is not the man, as such, but the cause. Duplan,
like many other French officers in Algeria, had fought with the
Resistance against German occupation; he even witnessed the liberation
of the concentration camps. Little over a decade later, he finds
himself employing Nazi-like methods against a resisting populace.
Rossi, for his part, is in interesting figure. Sensitive, cultured,
he nonetheless proceeds from the assumption shared by a good portion
of the French middle class that Algeria is part of France and
that the Arab population ought to be grateful to partake of Frances
Republican values. (The film obliquely makes the point
that much of the official French left in the 1950s,
including future socialist president François
Mitterrand, explicitly or tacitly accepted colonial rule over
Algeria.) Rossis willingness to accommodate himself to and
even preside over the torture of prisoners flows from his assumptions.
Civilization, according to this logic, must take every step necessary
in the struggle against terrorism.
The participation in the production of Costa Gavras, who has
been a significant figure in international cinema since the mid-1960s,
is noteworthy. Born in 1933 in Greece to a Russian father who
fought with the Greek resistance, the filmmaker came to prominence
with Z in 1969 (which went on to win an Academy Award),
a political thriller based on events surrounding the assassination
of Greek politician Grigoris Lambrakis in 1963.

He followed that work with The Confession (1970), one
of his best and most conscientious films, about the Stalinist
frame-up trials in Czechoslovakia in 1952, and State of Siege
(1972), which fictionally treats the kidnapping and eventual murder
of an American intelligence operative by leftist guerillas in
Uruguay. A decade later, in Missing (1982), the filmmaker
turned his attention, movingly, to Washingtons role in the
coup against the Popular Unity government of Salvador
Allende in Chile in 1973.
It was fashionable on the artistic left in the
1970s to deride Costa Gavras. Most famously, Swiss-French filmmaker
Jean-Luc Godard declaimed: The problem is not to make political
films but to make films politicallyi.e., to
reinvent film in a manner that would supposedly deconstruct bourgeois
image- and sound-making and politically activate the
spectator. In 1970, during his relatively brief but noisome leftist
phase, Godard stupidly told a journalist, Gavras is objectively
an ally of the Greek government [the military junta then in power]....
After all, who financed the coup détat? The CIA.
And who gave the prize [the Academy Award] to a Greek film? Hollywood.
Z got an Oscar from the same people who silenced the Greek
people.
After years of quasi-paralysis, Godard today is entirely despairing.
He told the British Guardian in 2005, Its
over, he sighs. There was a time maybe when cinema
could have improved society, but that time was missed.
Costa-Gavras continues to struggle to represent social life.
So was he entirely right in the long run and Godard
wrong? Its not nearly as simple as that. In
the first place, an inspired and poetic element existed in Godards
work, at least until recently, even in some of his most misguided
projects, while an undeniably conventional tendency recurs in
Costa Gavrass efforts.
Beyond that, however, the more critical issue is to understand
the evolution of both artistic careers in relation to larger problems
of artistic and political perspective in the last decades of the
twentieth century.
This much can be said definitively for Costa-Gavras
and against Godard: the evolution of cinema has conclusively
demonstrated that the various leftist campaigns in
opposition to efforts to reflect and make sense of life on screen
in the form of drama, in favor of supposedly revolutionary methods
of going back to zero and dissolving images
and sound, have proven false and produced little, if anything,
of lasting value.
We spoke to director Laurent Herbiet and Costa Gavras, who
remains vigorous at 73, during the Toronto film festivalin
fact, on the fifth anniversary of the terrorist attacks in New
York City and Washington.
In response to a question, Herbiet (born 1961Mon Colonel
is his first feature film) indicated that the impulse for the
film came from both the past and the present. The Algerian war
continues to reverberate within French society. After years of
neglect, French filmmakers have begun once again considering the
Algerian conflict, in films such as Alain Tasmas October
17, 1961, Herbiet noted.
Clearly, the war in Iraq and the American effort to legitimize
torture were also factors. Herbiet pointed to George W. Bushs
recent speech defending secret CIA prisons.
Costa-Gavras spoke of the terrible price paid in the Algerian
war, which cost the lives of tens of thousands. And for what?
These wars have always ended in peace negotiations. The
terrorist of yesterday becomes the head of state,
as in Algeria. The present situation is also clearly on
his mind: Iraq, but also Chechnya, Lebanon and we must not
forget the Palestinian situation.
He commented, The young officer is a perfect metaphor
for that section of the French people convinced that Algeria was
part of France. For more than a century, they accepted killings,
torture, repression. The Algerians finally convinced them that
they wanted to be Algerian, not French.
Herbiet spoke of Colonel Duplan and his social type. These
were not fascist officers, they thought of themselves as loyal
republicans, true to France. A massive number of French soldiers
served in Algeria, hundreds of thousands. The soldiers were told
they were the children of the Republic, and there
was also the mythologizing of the French Resistance.
The civilian authorities were happy to cede responsibility
to the military, they didnt investigate the crimes committed
in Algeria. They provided the legal framework for torture. The
army applied the methods learned in Indochina in an effort to
control the population, but the prime responsibility lies with
the political leaders.
I asked Herbiet and Costa-Gavras what accounted for Rossis
vulnerability in the film. The director replied, There are
personal factors involved. But, more importantly, Rossi is not
a soldier like the others. Most came from the working class or
the countryside. They had relatively little education. Rossi is
a law student, a leftist. He has a superiority complex
in relation to the colonel. He thinks, Ill be able
to stop him. This arrogance is his weakness. In fact, Colonel
Duplan is far better prepared.
Costa-Gavras put in, We are all vulnerable, in a situation
where the authorities tell the people what to do. This was France,
but we also have the Iraq war now. People are told, this
has to be done. We speak today of fighting terrorism,
and terrorism must be opposed, but no one asks why it exists.
Terrorism is evil. This is accepted uncritically by
many people. But we have to investigate the conditions that produced
terrorism. Rossi has this weakness. Also, he looks at the colonel
like his father, another authority figure.
On the specific question of torture, a horror of which animates
The Colonel, Costa-Gavras commented that torture
is nothing new. Vietnam, Algeria, now Iraq, Guantánamo.
People have been imprisoned in Guantánamo for three and
a half years, with no rights! Torturing in the name of fighting
terrorism. The situation will get worse and worse. Now the Americans
want to legalize torture, that is new; they will only produce
more terrorists.
He spoke of a recent trip to Israel. Twenty years ago,
I made Hanna K. about the Israeli-Palestinian situation.
Israel has changed completely. There are more and more killings,
the situation is deteriorating badly. They are attempting to solve
their problems through military means. To give the power to the
military, like in Greece, is the very worst thing.
Herbiet added, There is no example of a society dominated
by the military that remains democratic.
He explained about the present situation in France. There
is a naiveté and ignorance about history. Yesterdays
problems are yesterdays problems. There is no knowledge
of the Algerian war within the younger generation. Our younger
actors expressed this. If this film serves a purpose, then its
that. There is a kind of relay, things are handed on to the next
generation.
Costa-Gavras spoke about the role of cinema in helping to change
social life. Art is not a leaflet or a tract, a political
speech. The process is not direct. You have to bring emotion to
this process. With emotion and life, we can bring the viewer into
the historians study. In this way, perhaps we can open something
up.
We assured him that he should not underestimate what he had
accomplished. He said, with modesty, It is better to underestimate
ones role.
The Bubble
The Bubble from Israel, directed by Eytan Fox, is a
film with its heart deeply in the right place. At its center is
the relationship between a gay Israeli, Noam (Ohad Knoller), and
a gay Palestinian, Ashraf (Yousef Joe Sweid). They
meet at an Israeli military checkpoint in the films opening
sequence; Noam is on reserve duty and Ashraf tries to help a Palestinian
woman forced to give birth in the middle of the road (her child
is still-born).
Noam and Ashraf develop a relationship in Tel Aviv, where the
former lives with two roommates, Yali (Alon Friedmann) and Lulu
(played by the captivating Daniela Wircer). The trio are politically
active in a somewhat haphazard and, in the directors words,
childish fashion. They organize a rave against
the occupation, for instance.
The love affair between Noam and Ashraf is doomed by circumstances
and ends very tragically. Fox and his co-screenwriter Gal Uchovsky
criticize the occupation and the treatment of the Palestinians,
as well as Islamic fundamentalism, with some understanding and
depth of feeling. They do so without ever challenging the essential
premises of Zionism; the film does not wander that far from the
conventional in its politics. Nonetheless, The Bubble provides
a glimpse at the complexity and contradictoriness of Israeli society,
and its humanity is unquestionable.
Half Moon
Over the past 15 years or so, some of the worlds most
interesting cinema has emerged from Iran. Iran: A Cinematographic
Revolution, directed by French-born Nader Takmil Homayoun,
screened at the festival, is a useful introduction to the subject.
Homayouns feature-length documentary contains some fascinating
archival material, clips from Iranian films of the 1950s, as well
as interviews with a number of prominent figures, including directors
Jafar Panahi, Mohsen Makhmalbaf and Bahman Ghobadi.
Why are ninety per cent of cinemas in the grip of Hollywood?
Makhmalbaf asks, Do other countries not have thinkers or
images, dreams or sorrows?
The present state of Iranian cinema is a matter of international
concern. Harsh censorship and increased government pressure have
created very arduous conditions. Panahis new film, Offside
(reviewed in an upcoming article), has been banned, along with
others.
On the Makhmalbaf Film House web site, one of the Frequently
Asked Questions is If you were to reside in a country
more permanently where would you prefer to live? Makhmalbafs
answer: Iran in the first place, but not at any cost. I
am a filmmaker. If living in Iran equals not making films, between
Iran and filmmaking I will choose the latter.
The most recent film by Bahman Ghobadi is Half Moon.
A renowned Iranian-Kurdish musician, Mamo (Ismail Ghaffari), following
the fall of Saddam Hussein, has been given permission, after seven
months of efforts, to perform at a concert in Iraqi Kurdish territory.
He assembles his many sons, all musicians, and sets off in a school
bus driven by a faithful friend, Kako (Allah Morad Rashtiani).
Ghobadi has said that the film was inspired by Mozarts
Requiem and that Mamo (who was originally to be named Mamozart,
which means my Mozart in Kurdish) represented the
great composer, but that he made him a Kurdish musician in the
end so as not to hurt the Kurdish peoples feelings.
In any event, Mamo is convinced that the success of his project
depends on the presence of a female singer. He has chosen Hesho
(Hedye Tehrani), who lives in a mountain village along with 1,333
other exiled women singers. It is illegal for women to sing in
public in Iran. Hesho, who is ailing, has to be hidden beneath
the floorboards of the bus, like in a tomb. The Iranian police
stop the group and search their vehicle. What is her crime?
demands Mamo.
Other difficulties beset Mamo and his sons, a number of whom
have now fallen by the wayside. The musician presses on, determined
to appear at the concert, even if he has to be dragged on stage
in a coffin. An old colleague drops dead when he learns of Mamos
visit. At the funeral, however, he seems to show signs of life.
If that woman sings, hell come back to life!
Most of the sons, along with Hesho, have vanished. Mamos
bus drives on with its remaining passengers, taking detours through
western Azerbaijan and Turkey. A pretty young woman, Niwemang
[Half Moon in Kurdish] (Golshifteh Farahani) appears mysteriously,
having apparently landed on top of the vehicle. Perhaps an angel,
she helps Mamo make the last stretch of his journey, over the
mountains in the snow. He climbs into his coffin.
Ghobadi continues to be one of the most poetic, sensitive presences
in world cinema. As our interview with him reveals, he is tormented
by the present state of the world and his region in particular.
He explains that the film was dedicated to the 250th anniversary
of Mozarts birth, but he lives in a country where women
are not allowed to sing in public and musical instruments cannot
be shown on television!
The film has many painful and sad moments, but also comic ones.
One of Mamos sons, Shouan (Sadiq Bezhadpoor), no spring
chicken himself, keeps trying to sneak off. During one of his
attempted escapes, Mamo takes a shot at him and wounds him in
the ear. When Shouan shows up with a bandage wrapped around his
head, the old man searches his memory for the name of the appropriate
French painter. He finally remembers, You look like Van
Gogh! Kako, the bus driver and organizer of cockfights,
is also a lively character.
Ghobadi shows a complicated reality, with its combined
and uneven development. On the one hand, unrelenting poverty
and genuine backwardness, including the position of women, and,
on the other, the potential offered by global technologyMamo
has his own e-mail address and one of his sons operates a laptop
computer in the bus, even as it travels through some of the most
desolate landscape imaginable!
Despite its beauty and fascinating detail, Half Moon
is not entirely successful, and the reasons for this are complex.
In the first place, as Ghobadi explains in our interview, he censored
himself extensively. He wanted to make a film about the banning
of women singers, and the conditions of female artists in general,
but he couldnt show women singing or his own film would
be proscribed.
In the end, the Iranian government banned the film anyway,
on the spurious grounds that Ghobadi was a Kurdish separatist.
As the director explains, now he is angry at himself for cutting
potentially offending material from his film. Why did I
bother? he asks. He says he will restore the edited-out
sequences.
In other words, Ghobadis film, like other serious, artistic
and socially minded Iranian films, was made in extremely unfavorable
circumstances. One could sense the pressures at work in a number
of Iranian films at the Toronto festival. In certain cases, the
filmmakers have withdrawn slightly, reduced the scope of their
films to the more personal or provided only details of social
life. Others have retreated even further.
Ghobadi has continued along the same path, but social reality
in the region is extremely complex. Artistic intuition, sensitivity,
compassion are indispensable qualities. Nothing great can be accomplished
without them. However, in the long run, one cannot do without
some degree of political and historical clarity either.
The oppression of the Kurdish people has been ferocious. How
is it to be opposed? Through deals with this or that great power
against one or another of the historically oppressive governments
in the area? Or through the unification of the peoples of the
region in a common struggle against imperialism and every one
of the national bourgeois regimes and for socialism?
Ghobadi is not a separatist, nor even an ardent
nationalist, in that sense, but the unresolved issues hang over
him at present like a fate. Certainly Kurdish nationalism or semi-nationalism
provides too narrow a basis for the most searching and penetrating
artistic work, as Ghobadis most recent film demonstrates.
The last section of Half Moon, which flirts with the mystical,
is unsatisfying and even tedious.
There are difficult questions that need to be faced up to:
among them, the character of the Iranian revolution and the current
regime; the threat to the entire region posed by American imperialism;
and the Kurdish question. The artist is not obliged to come up
with a comprehensive political diagnosis. But he or she needs
to be oriented toward concrete human solutions for concrete human
problems, not angels and other celestial beings. One can have
immense sympathy for the artist who faces trying circumstances,
but still contend that this amounts to taking the line of least
resistance.
Ghobadi promises to make a new film every year. We await his
next with great interest.
To be continued
See Also:
Toronto International Film Festival
2006--Part 1
Some things are sinking in
[22 September 2006]
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