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Philippines president fails to stem political crisis
By Dante Pastrana
7 July 2005
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The administration of Philippines President Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo is sinking into deeper political trouble.
The immediate issue involves a scandal that erupted last month
over her alleged rigging of the 2004 presidential election. An
audiotape surfaced purportedly of phone conversations of her colluding
with senior elections commissioner Virgilio Garcillano to obtain
a winning margin against her rival Ferdinand Poe Jr. of not less
than a million votes.
Arroyos spokesmen immediately dismissed the tape as a
concoction and threatened to prosecute anyone involved in its
manufacture. Last week, however, Arroyo, speaking in a live nationwide
broadcast, finally admitted to calling the election official at
the height of the counting of election results and apologised
for what she claimed to be a lapse of judgement.
The abrupt about-face followed mounting public opposition,
protests calling for her resignation and growing pressure from
her own allies. Her statement, according to a Philippine Centre
of Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) report, came after 12 members
of her cabinet threatened to resign during a meeting held the
previous Saturday, if she did not speak up on the
issue.
Carefully crafted to skirt the immediate legal issues, Arroyos
statement did not confirm nor deny the authenticity of the audiotapes.
She insisted she had sought only to protect her votes
and denied any intent to influence the outcome. Moreover,
she stated, the election had already been decided and the
votes counted by then and so her calls could not have influenced
the outcome anyway.
This begged the question of why, in the first place, would
her votes have needed any protection at all if it had already
been counted?
Arroyo was desperate to win by a clear margin in last years
poll in order to legitimise her presidency. She was inserted in
power in 2001 in what amounted to a political coup that ousted
elected President Joseph Estrada, allegedly for corruption. Her
installation was backed by sections of business, the Roman Catholic
Church and the military, masked by a so-called Peoples Power movement
and rubberstamped by the Supreme Court.
Arroyos televised address failed to stem the crisis.
The De La Salle Network of Educational Institutes
put out a full-page advertisement in the Philippine Daily Inquirer
calling for Arroyo to resign. On Monday the law faculty of the
University of the Philippines issued a statement, declaring that
she had violated the constitution by interferring with the electoral
commission. Resignation is the best apology she can offer
the Filipino people, it stated.
On Monday, armed forces spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Buenaventura
Pascual, in an effort to quash rumours of a coup, declared that
the military would remain apolitical and adhere to
the chain-of-command headed by Arroyo as constitutional commander-in-chief.
On Tuesday, in a desperate attempt to quell the crisis, presidential
spokesman Ignacio Bunye announced that the president would be
prepared to face impeachment proceedings to put an end to the
scandal. The move, he declared, was uncalled for and will
just be a waste of time but the president would submit to
the process if it put a stop to the prevailing political
grandstanding and mudslinging.
While public attention has focussed on alleged electoral fraud,
the underlying basis for the political turmoil is the growing
hostility of the Filipino working people to a regime that has
implemented regressive taxes, gutted social services, privatised
government corporations and curtailed democratic rights. The possibility
that these measures are being implemented by a regime that brazenly
cheated its way to a false mandate is compounding the popular
contempt for Arroyo.
In her televised address last week, Arroyo justified her policies
claiming she had a clear mandate to make the tough but necessary
decisions on the economy. In an appeal to business leaders,
she declared that her administration had passed a comprehensive
fiscally responsible national budget, raised new and
necessary revenues and made the highest collection
of taxes in history.
The social impact of her measures has been devastating. According
to Makati Business Club Research, a massive 34.1 percent of the
national budget, or $US5.63 billion has been allocated to debt
servicing, while funding for social services has been reduced
to just 28 percent or $4.62 billion. That money has to cover many
items, including public education, health subsidies for the poor,
drug rehabilitation, poverty alleviation, and subsidies for prescription
drugs.
One of Arroyos main revenue raising measures is the extension
of the countrys 10 percent value added tax (VAT) to, among
other things, petroleum and electric powera move that will
certainly raise the price of all basic commodities. The tax changes
also allow the president to lift the VAT rate to 12 percent at
the beginning of next year.
Last Friday the countrys Supreme Court added to the pressure
on Arroyo by imposing a temporary restraining order on the VAT
changes, which her opponents are seeking to have declared unconstitutional.
On Monday, the Philippine Stock Exchange index plunged by 4.2
percent, its biggest fall since September 2001, and the peso weakened
to 56.09 to the US dollar, its lowest point in six months.
Ramon del Rosario Jnr, a former finance secretary and US-Philippine
Business Council chairman, told the Financial Times: Progress
in addressing our fiscal problems was one bright spot in the current
Philippine story. With this in question, the Philippines faces
even darker economic prospects. Arroyo is appealing to the
court to lift its temporary order, but her actions only serve
to highlight her support for the deeply unpopular tax.
At this stage, those who installed Arroyo in 2001 appear to
be standing behind her. The social base of her administration
is similar to that of Estrada: a few wealthy families who have
long dominated Filipino politics, a section of the military top
brass and a collection of so-called civil society groups that
provide a populist façade. She has also sought to maintain
support among the most impoverished layers by cultivating relations
with evangelical organisations such as Inglesia Ni Cristo (Church
of Christ) and the El Shaddai charismatic movement.
Like Estrada, Arroyo has curried favour with international
capital by slavishly following IMF and World Bank recommendations.
In the wake of September 11, 2001, she ingratiated herself with
Bush administration by unequivocally backing the war on
terror and sending Philippine troops to Iraq. Last year
Arroyo was compelled to withdraw the soldiers ahead of schedule
amid mounting opposition that galvanised around the kidnapping
of a Filipino contract worker in Iraq.
The extra-constitutional means used to install Arroyo in 2001
reflected the countrys economic crisis and the growing impatience
of the ruling elites for faster economic reforms.
Arroyo, a US-trained economist, made fixing the economy
her top priority and sought to bolster her flagging popularity
by appeals to nationalism and morality. She has promoted her administration
as moral, hard working and against corruption and her goals as
creating One Philippines and a Strong Republic.
Faced with not one, but two corruption scandals, Arroyos
popular support has plunged. As well as the allegations of vote
rigging, her husband, son and brother-in-law face accusations
of receiving pay-offs in the millions of pesos from operators
of an illegal lottery racket called jueteng. Significantly,
the same accusation was the basis for ousting Estrada in 2001.
The crisis shows no sign of abating. A survey by Social Weather
Stations among Filipinos in Metro Manila after the presidents
speech last week found that 59 percent of respondents believed
that Arroyo had asked the poll official to cheat. Asked about
Arroyos televised appeal to close the issue, only 20 percent
supported the president, while a massive 77 percent were dissatisfied
and wanted something further done.
See Also:
Political turmoil surrounds
Philippines President Arroyo
[22 June 2005]
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