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WSWS : Arts
Review
Harold Pinters artistic achievement
By Paul Bond
29 December 2005
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When playwright Harold Pinter was awarded the Nobel Prize for
Literature in October 2005, it produced anxiety within government
circles in Britain. Pinters determined opposition to US
and British foreign policy, and his resistance to the renewed
imperialist carve-up of the globe centring on the war against
Iraq, have brought attacks on him from many quarters. His fellow
playwright David Hare noted that not a single party leader in
Britain had congratulated Pinter on the award. This was hardly
surprising, given the support the major parties in Britain gave
to the US-led invasion of Iraq.
The Swedish Academys citation noted Pinters position
as the foremost representative of British drama in the second
half of the 20th century, and recognised that his opposition
to imperialist war and his dedication to freedom of speech and
democratic rights can be seen as a development of the early
Pinters analyzing of threat and injustice.
At the time of his acceptance lecture, the World Socialist
Web Site commented that even certain sections of the media
that had supported the war against Iraq, like the New York
Times, were forced to acknowledge Pinters fiercely critical
comments. But there was nevertheless a widespread effort to ignore
Pinter. David Hare also noted that the lecture was neither broadcast
by the BBC, nor even reported on their terrestrial news programmes.
There were those who went further, seeking to discredit Pinter.
The most brazen piece, by Johann Hari in the Independent,
ran under the title Pinter does not deserve the Nobel Prize.
Writing before Pinters acceptance speech was broadcast by
Channel 4, Hari asked whether anyone doubted that it would be
a rant. Unless there was a new prize for rage-induced
incoherence, wrote Hari, Pinters ravings
should not be broadcast.
Hari explicitly attacked Pinter for his record of political
opposition to the escalation of imperialist carnage in the Middle
East and the Balkans. He criticised Pinters opposition to
the imperialist show-trial of Slobodan Milosevic, for example,
seeing it as impermissible to attack US and British imperialist
intervention in the region. Pinters argument that Milosevic
should be released until he is joined in war crimes trials by
former US President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony
Blair was derided by Hari, who lines up with those decent
people who called for the arming of the Kosovo Liberation
Army, without acknowledging the role played by inter-imperialist
rivalries in deliberately whipping up ethno-chauvinist conflicts
and dividing the region. Accordingly, Hari is scathing about Pinters
factually impeccable appraisal of the KLA as a bandit organisation.
The main thrust of Haris attack was against Pinters
politics. In the last 15 years, particularly, Pinter has been
a vocal and trenchant critic of militarism and war and the erosion
of democratic rights. Pinter has remained defiantly off-message,
championing critical independence from government propaganda.
For Hari, this is unforgivable, accusing the playwright of taking
a desirable political valuehatred of war, or distrust
for his own government and absolutising it.
As the Swedish Academy noted, Pinters hostility to oppression,
militarism and war were intimately connected with his artistry.
The same rage at injustice and oppression has fuelled his polemics
against wars in the Gulf and the Balkans, his antiwar poetry,
and his 29 plays. For Hari, therefore, the easiest way of attacking
the politics was to belittle the art. Pinter, he wrote, has only
one literary accomplishment: he imported the surrealism
of Samuel Beckett, Eugene Ionesco and Luis Buñuel into
the staid English theatre.
There is a lot to be said about this. For one thing, only Buñuel
among these writers was ever formally a surrealist. Beckett was
influenced by surrealism; Ionescos absurdism was antithetical
to surrealism. (Early in his career, Pinter denied that he wrote
symbolically, partly because critics tried to associate him with
absurdism.) Haris intention becomes clear when he compares
Pinter to Beckett. Becketts work is underpinned by an
elaborate existentialist philosophy, whereas with Pinter,
according to Hari, if you turn on the light and switch off
the atmospherics, you find...nothing, except a few commonplace
insights.
To supposedly illustrate this, he points to what Pinter has
called the most important line Ive ever written.
In The Birthday Party, when Stan is being taken away,
Petey cries out, Stan, dont let them tell you what
to do. Pinter has said that he has lived that line all
my damn life. Never more than now.
For Hari, this is depressingly revealing; the line
is an unobjectionable platitude and Pinters
point is banal. This comes from a man who believes
it impermissible to denounce the British and US governments for
their actions in the Balkans and Iraq. For a man who makes a living
from parroting precisely the sort of propaganda Pinter has resisted
to describe this comment as banal is merely impudent.
Hari notes that since Pinters formative years he has
been a relentlessly contrarian. He acknowledges that
some of Pinters targets have really deserved it.
But no more. For Hari, supporting the Sandinistas against US-backed
forces was heroic, but resisting the arming of the KLA was not.
In particular, Hari is unable to reconcile Pinters early
resistance to fascists in London with his subsequent critical
independence.
Pinter was born in 1930 in Hackney, in northeast London, the
son of a Jewish immigrant tailor. Throughout the 1930s, the area
was a recruiting ground for fascists, and there was fierce resistance
from migrant workers, leading often to violence. Pinter has often
talked of the lasting impact his experiences of anti-Semitism
at this time had on him. It also informed the work of actor Henry
Woolf, the school friend from Hackney Downs School who produced
Pinters earliest plays. Pinter was later fined for his refusal
to do compulsory National Service in the army in 1949. For Hari,
this opposition to militarism is another sin. Writing of an event
that occurred four years after the end of World War II, he pontificates:
It is good to hate war, but to take this so far that you
wont resist Hitler and Stalin...is absurd.
What is clear both from the Nobel citation and from Haris
attack is the extent to which Pinters political thinking
and his art are interlinked. Although he has written constantly
throughout his career, he has never forced his work. It is surprising
how few of his 29 plays are full-length pieces. He once said that
you write because theres something you want
to write, have to write. From this vision of the
necessity of artistic expression flows his confidence that you
can take a chance on the audience. This is an increasingly
rare trait and demonstrates a remarkable artistic independence
in the present period. That he has been able to maintain this
critical independence throughout a 50-year career marks him as
quite extraordinary.
Pinter experimented with several writing forms before he turned
to plays. And he has expressed a sense of self-criticism, saying
he had written short prose pieces and Hundreds of poemsabout
a dozen [of which] are worth republishing. This self-criticism,
with which his opponents do not credit him, was also apparent
in his appraisal of a partly autobiographical novel, The Dwarfs,
which had become rather a hotchpotch.
Through the 1950s, while he was writing many of these pieces,
Pinter was working as an actor in repertory theatre. He has continued
to act alongside his writing, appearing both in stage revivals
of his own plays and also in films. He is a highly impressive
actor: Donald Pleasence described him as by far the most
frightening Mick he worked with when performing Pinters
play, The Caretaker.
He was inspired by Donald Wolfit, one of the last grand actor-managers,
and spent a season with his company at Hammersmith. Using his
repertory training as a yardstick, he said he had acquired a feeling
for construction...and for speakable dialogue while working
in the theatre. Grounded in the theatre, it became the natural
medium for his writing. He said he wrote his first play, The
Room (1957), because he had an image of two people in a room,
and he felt that the only way he could express the image was dramatically.
For The Room, Pinter had, he said, started off
with this picture of the two people and let them carry on from
there. He did not write from any abstract idea.
His play was not realistic in the way that John Osbornes
Look Back in Anger was realistic, but it used a new kind
of realistic dialogue. Here was dialogue that sounded the way
people spoke in real life, with hidden meanings and unspoken texts.
Hidden pasts lurked in characters silences, and the world
outside the closed room was always threatening to burst in.
Inspired by Samuel Becketts prose, Pinter articulated
a new reality in his writing. This was the post-war world, threatened
and on the brink of disaster, and Pinter dissolved this in small
domestic scenes. He has said that what he liked about Beckett
was the way he created his own world, but one which had
so many references to the world we actually share.
The Room sets out, in prototype form, many of the themes
that dominate his best work. A housebound wife and her silent
husband find their home mysteriously threatened by a domineering
landlord, a pushy couple, and a blind man. There is an unspoken
sense of threat, of impending catastrophe. The air is thick with
sexual violence, and the greatest threat is to the certainties
of their home.
Pinters world is one where homes are constantly under
threat from outsiders. In The Caretaker (1960), Davies,
the manipulative tramp, attempts to inveigle his way into the
slow-witted Astons flat. In No Mans Land (1974),
it is the shabby poet Spooner, invited up to an expensive house
after a night in the pub. These become explorations of a sinister
intrusion, shattering already thwarted and violent lives.
He had already developed these themes in The Birthday Party
(1958). Set in a seaside boarding house run by a childless
couple, a lodger (Stanley) is confronted by two outsiders (Goldberg
and McCann). They terrorise him, interrogate him and eventually
take him away. It is never stated who or what they represent.
The play has been described as a repertory thriller written
by someone who had read Kafka. Stated like this, it seems unlikely
that the play could survive beyond being a period piece of paranoia.
What happens in the play, though, is clear and unambiguous, but
not explained. The dialogue is taut and pared down. In a world
of political anxieties, Pinters play represents a confused
world in the clearest possible way.
This is directly linked with his knowledge of earlier dramatists.
In an early essay on Shakespeare, he wrote that he amputates,
deadens, aggravates at will, within the limits of a particular
piece, but he will not pronounce judgement or cure. It is
this same quality that makes Pinters plays so understandable,
and thus so terrifying. In his later plays, he has become more
lyrical, but he is wary that lyricism can create problems in expressing
what is actually happening to people.
They are also very funny. In perhaps his greatest play, The
Homecoming (1965), the upwardly mobile son Teddy arrives home
from North America with his wife Ruth. Her presence creates a
sexual tension that undermines the position of the Jewish patriarch
Max by implicating the other sons. By the final scene, one son,
Lenny, has pimped Ruth to the other, Joey, and they and Max are
persuading Teddy that Ruth should stay with them as a sexual consort
and money-earning prostitute. That scene gains much of its awful
impact from the cumulative outrage that Joey should have spent
so long upstairs with Ruth without achieving climax.
To understand the connection between Pinters art and
his political statements, and the continuity identified by the
Swedish Academy, it is worth comparing the interrogation of Stanley
in The Birthday Party with the conversation between the
political torturers in the short piece The New World Order
nearly 40 years later.
In The New World Order, Pinter explains explicitly how
such interrogations work:
Des: ...Before he came in here he was a big shot, he
never stopped shooting his mouth off, he never stopped questioning
received ideas. Nowbecause hes apprehensive about
whats about to happen to himhes stopped all
that, hes got nothing more to say, hes more or less
called it a day. I mean oncenot too long agothis man
was a man of conviction, wasnt he, a man of principle. Now,
hes just a prick.
Or, as Goldberg tells Stanley in The Birthday Party,
Youre dead. You cant live, you cant think,
you cant love. Youre dead. Youre a plague gone
bad. Theres no juice in you. Youre nothing but an
odour!
Describing the events within his plays as realistic, whilst
saying he was not a realistic writer, Pinter wrote that he thought
what happened in his plays could happen anywhere, at any
time, in any place.
In 1961, he said that he did not write with an explicit message
in mind, but that he wrote because there was something he had
to write. Over the last 15 years, this has become more pronounced.
Suffering occasional ill health, Pinter has responded furiously
to the drive towards the imperialist re-division of the world.
Already involved with campaigns against torture and in defence
of artistic freedom, Pinter has published much more of his occasional
and political poetry since the 1991 Gulf War. Indeed, for Hari,
one of the greatest crimes committed by the Swedish Academy is
to award the Nobel Prize to a man who wrote these lines about
the Gulf War:
We blew the shit right back up their own ass
And out their fucking ears.
It works.
We blew the shit out of them,
They suffocated in their own shit!
We blew them into fucking shit.
They are eating it.
Now I want you to come over here and kiss me on the mouth.
Hari sees nothing here beyond the scatology. He certainly cannot
acknowledge Pinters searing anger and rage at the barbaric
crimes committed by US and British imperialism, because that would
involve having a critical attitude towards those crimes.
Pinter has taken the analytical and oppositional qualities
that informed his full-length plays and continues to apply them
to every aspect of his work. Such steadfast critical thought and
artistic independence are rare enough. It is rarer still to find
them continuing throughout a successful 50-year career. Most of
Pinters early contemporaries made their peace with the establishment
long ago. As Hari has demonstrated, many younger hacks have never
had a disagreement with it. Pinters resolute commitment
to his art and its independence provides a valuable model for
anyone serious about the development and defence of artistic expression.
See Also:
Harold Pinters Nobel Prize speech:
a brave artist speaks the truth about US imperialism
[9 December 2005]
British playwright Harold
Pinter awarded Nobel Prize in literature
[14 October 2005]
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