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Burmese junta refuses to release opposition leaders
By Sarath Kumara
27 June 2003
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Despite mounting international pressure, the Burmese military
junta has refused to release opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi,
who was detained more than three weeks ago with other National
League for Democracy (NLD) leaders. Her ongoing incarceration
and isolation makes a mockery of official claims that she is being
held in protective detention for her own wellbeing.
Suu Kyi was arrested on the night of May 30 after the regime
staged an attack on her convoy in a remote area of northern Burma.
As many as 70 of her supporters died when a pro-government mob,
numbering in the hundreds and armed with sticks, clubs and rocks,
descended on the vehicles. Many were members of the military-sponsored
Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA). Some were disguised
as Buddhist monks.
Villagers told a BBC journalist who visited the area that locals
had been press-ganged into joining the attack without being told
who was the target. Others explained that a group of convicts
had been taken from Mandalay prison and trained at a nearby army
camp then, on the afternoon of the attack, moved to a house near
the scene.
The junta has denied any involvement but immediately used the
incident to unleash a crackdown on opposition supporters and groups.
Fearing protests, the government ordered the shutdown of universities
two days after the attack. It also sealed off NLD offices throughout
the country and began to round up and detain party members.
Despite the governments claim that Suu Kyi is being held
for her own good, she has been held under the countrys draconian
state protection law, which provides for detention without trial
for 180 days at a time without access to lawyers or family members.
Under this law, a detainee can be keep up to a total of five years
without any avenue of legal appeal.
UN special envoy Razali Ismail has been the only foreigner
permitted to visit Suu Kyi. He told a press conference: What
I can say is that where I met her was absolutely deplorable....
Shes uncowed and feisty; she was outraged that this had
happened to her. The junta has refused to allow messages
and calls, including from US Secretary of State Colin Powell and
British Foreign Secretary Mike OBrien. Last Friday, military
authorities allowed the International Red Cross to visit other
NLD leaders but not Suu Kyi.
The May 30 attack was the most violent crackdown on the opposition
since the militarys brutal repression of mass unrest throughout
the country in September 1988, when more than 3,000 people were
killed in the capital of Rangoon alone after soldiers opened fire
on anti-government protesters. As part of a deal with the military,
Suu Kyi called off the 1988 protests in return for national elections
in 1990. The NLD won the poll overwhelmingly but the junta refused
to recognise the result.
The latest arrests mark a sharp break with attempts by the
military, under considerable international pressure, to reach
a political accommodation with Suu Kyi and the opposition. After
19 months of house arrest, the junta released the NLD leader in
May last year and allowed her limited freedom of movement. The
NLD was allowed to reopen some of its offices but any recognition
of the 1990 election result was firmly ruled out.
The regime eased the restrictions on the opposition in a desperate
bid to end the economic sanctions imposed by the US and European
powers. However, over the past year, Rangoon has faced further
demands for steps toward a power-sharing arrangement with Suu
Kyi, backed by threats of further restrictions.
Last November, US Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly
warned: [I]f progress remains elusive, Burma must consider
the possibility that other countries may join in measures with
the US, such as a ban on new investment. In April, the European
Union (EU) increased the number of Burmese government officials
on a visa blacklist and extended the existing economic and arms
embargo for another year.
Government spokesman Colonel Hla Min expressed the juntas
frustration with the economic restrictions when he told the BBC
on June 20: Instead of giving us time, instead of giving
us encouragement and a pat on the back, they are always coming
with threats, like sanctions and more sanctions. From its
standpoint, the junta gained nothing by easing restrictions on
the NLD, which, in the weeks before the May 30 attack, was beginning
to gain public support.
Initially, Suu Kyi adopted a cautious approach following her
release from house arrest and sought to reach a compromise with
the junta. As recently as March 14, she told the Democratic
Voice of Burma that she wanted to resolve the further release
of political prisoners through dialogue. But her rallies were
beginning to attract crowds, particularly in the countryside,
where people took the opportunity to show their opposition to
the junta.
On May 29, a day before the attack on her convoy, Suu Kyi held
a rally at Monywa that attracted tens of thousands. Two days previously,
on May 27, for the first time since her release, she publicly
called for the 1990 election results to be implemented. Both the
growing public support for the NLD and Suu Kyis insistence
that her party form government will have contributed to the juntas
decision to crack down on the opposition.
Suu Kyis arrest has prompted expressions of outrage from
the US and European governments. President Bush expressed concern
on June 2 and called for Suu Kyis release. US Secretary
of State Powell warned in a column in the Wall Street Journal
on June 12 that the thugs who now rule Burma have
to understand that their failure to restore democracy will
only bring more and more pressure against them and their supporters.
The US Congress has strengthened economic sanctions by imposing
a ban on Burmese manufactured goods. Washington intends to freeze
Burmese government assets in the US and expand a visa ban to former
and present government leaders. Under US pressure, the Association
of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) issued a mild rebuke to the
junta at the recent ASEAN meeting in Cambodia.
However, the Bush administrations professed concern for
democratic rights in Burma is completely hypocritical. Washington
is supporting Suu Kyi as a means of ending military rule because
it regards the junta as an intolerable barrier to foreign investment
and the exploitation of Burmas reserves of raw materials
and cheap labour.
Like the former Suharto dictatorship in Indonesia, the Burmese
regime exerts direct control over large sections of the countrys
economy, despite limited attempts at market reforms. Some 40 percent
of all investments are funnelled through the state-owned Union
of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, established in 1990 to oversee
joint ventures. Suu Kyi and the NLD, on the other hand, have pledged
to implement a program of economic restructuring, aimed at opening
up the Burmese economy to foreign investment.
Washingtons hostility to the Burmese generals is also
a product of the juntas close relations with China. The
installation of a pro-US government in Rangoon would strengthen
US efforts to isolate China, which Bush declared in his 2000 election
campaign to be a strategic competitor. Under the banner
of its global war on terrorism, Washington has been
building closer military ties on a vast arc along Chinas
borders, stretching from North East Asia through South East Asia
to the Indian subcontinent, Afghanistan and Central Asia.
The Burmese junta finds itself boxed into a corner. Incapable
of resolving the countrys immense economic and social crisis,
the military leaders have only one response to growing social
unrestbrutal repression. Shortly after the May 30 arrests,
military intelligence chief General Khin Nyunt signalled
further harsh measures when he praised the 1988 military massacres
as a necessary means to maintain law and order. Nyunt
is considered one of the more liberal elements of
the junta and the chief architect of the attempt to reach a rapprochement
with Suu Kyi.
See Also:
Burmese junta releases
Suu Kyi amid fears of political unrest
[10 May 2002]
Talks between Burmese
junta and opposition stagnate
[4 August 2001]
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