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Britain: Conservative government considered "forcible
resettlement" of Northern Ireland in 1972
By Steve James
11 January 2003
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The annual release of British state papers more than 30 years
old has revealed that the 1972 Conservative government considered
a plan to forcibly resettle some half a million Catholics and
Protestants in Northern Ireland.
1972 was the bloodiest year in Northern Irelands 25-year
civil war. In 1969, under the Labour government of Harold Wilson,
Britain had dispatched some 10,000 troops into Northern Ireland
to prop up the Protestant, pro-British regional government in
Stormont House.
Since Irelands partition in 1921, the Stormont government
had upheld British rule in the North through granting marginal
privileges to Protestant workers, savage discrimination to their
Catholic counterparts and the maintenance of an atmosphere of
continual emergency. Election gerrymandering and the notorious
Special Powers Act gave the Protestant, pro-British Ulster Unionist
Party unrivalled powers of repression against the Norths
minority Catholic population.
This deeply unstable society fell apart in the late 1960s,
as increasing numbers of Catholics demanded equal rights. Civil
rights marches were met with mass police violence from the pro-British
Royal Ulster Constabulary and a Unionist militia, the B
Specials, whilst paramilitary gangs loyal to the UK launched
pogroms in Catholic areas.
The Wilson government utilised the violence as a pretext for
dispatching British troops, supposedly to protect the Catholic
population. But its real role quickly became clear, as British
troops conducted a brutal colonial war of occupation against the
Catholic population.
On Bloody Sunday, January 30, 1972, British troops
shot 27 unarmed civil rights demonstrators in Derry, 14 of whom
died. Within Ireland, the massacre provided a wave of recruits
to the provisional IRA, a three-day siege of the British embassy
in Dublin, panic in the Irish government of Jack Lynch, and led
directly to the collapse of the Stormont government of Brian Faulkner.
In response the Conservative government of Edward Heath imposed
direct rule from London in March 1972. By July, amidst daily gun
fights, bombings, and with Catholic areas in Derry barricaded
against British troops, the Heath government was considering ever
more repressive measures to end resistance to its rule.
It is in this context that the top secret appendix, entitled
Redrawing the Border and Population Transfer, came
to be drafted. The typed and hand-annotated report considered
the means by which the dissident Republican population
could be moved out of Northern Ireland. The plan envisaged transferring
Catholic dominated areas, mainly Fermanagh and Tyrone, either
into the Irish Republic or into some form of transitional status.
The drawback was that this scenario involved creating new Catholic
enclaves in a reduced but still Protestant-dominated rump Northprimarily
in Belfastand Protestant enclaves in the newly transferred
areas. To overcome this, the report proposed expelling 200,000-300,000
Catholics and 200,000 Protestants from their homesone third
of Northern Irelands population.
The appendix states categorically that such a plan could not
be accomplished peacefully. Many would no doubt take the
view that they should not be the ones to pay the price for peace
in Northern Ireland: Catholics demanding justice where they were,
and refusing to become refugees to obtain it, and Protestants
seeing the need to move as poor reward for their loyalty
to the Crown, it states.
Other documents suggest that in addition to the 20 battalions
already in Northern Ireland, another 27 would have been required
to enforce the forcible transfer, whose movements it would
be impossible to conceal and who would be required to be
completely ruthless in the use of force. A state of
emergency would also have to be imposed, it states.
That such a proposal was drawn up and considered underscores
the reactionary character of British rule in Northern Ireland.
The plan was rejected on practical grounds, rather than on any
principled objection to the forced resettlement of half a million
people. The anonymous authors of the plan were sceptical as to
its eventual success, noting that it would require a formidable
barrier of control between the new areas and both the Republic
and the rump of Northern Ireland, at great expense.
The top secret appendix, moreover, provides an object lesson
in imperialist double standards.
In 1999, the Blair government affected outrage over claims
that the Yugoslav government of Slobodan Milosevic had drawn up
a plan to ethnically cleanse Kosovos Albanian population.
No evidence of this planthe so-called Operation Horseshoehas
ever been presented. Nonetheless the British ruling class claimed
that the very possibility of its existence was morally repugnant
enough to justify NATOs ensuing bombardment of Yugoslavia.
Milosevic is now on trial before the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague on charges of crimes
against humanity.
In contrast, evidence that Britain considered ethnically cleansing
Northern Ireland has passed with barely a comment. Newspapers
noted the blueprints existence almost in passing, and there
has been no demand by Prime Minister Tony Blair for Heath and
his nameless advisers to be held to account.
See Also:
Britain: Military
testimony indicates Bloody Sunday cover-up
[31 December 2002]
Behind the Milosevic
trial: the US, Europe and the Balkan catastrophe
[4 July 2001]
Operation Horseshoe
propaganda and reality
[29 July 1999]
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