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WSWS
: Arts Review
: Film
Festivals
Toronto International Film Festival 2002: Films on social
and historical questions
Part 6
By David Walsh
4 October 2002
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This is the sixth in a series of articles on the Toronto
International Film Festival 2002, held September 5-14.
A number of films screened at the Toronto film festival dealt
more or less directly with social and historical problems.
American radical gadfly Michael Moores documentary Bowling
for Columbine has valuable moments, as well as quite wrongheaded
and irritating ones. Moore takes as his starting point the tragic
shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado (in suburban
Denver) on April 20, 1999, in which 15 students lost their lives
and another 23 were wounded.
In considering the gun culture in the US, the filmmaker
first turns his attention to the National Rifle Association and
its right-wing president, actor Charlton Heston, as well as the
Michigan Militia, whose members are armed to the teeth. Moore
also interviews James Nichols, brother of Terry Nichols, the individual
convicted along with Timothy McVeigh for the Oklahoma City bombing
in April 1995. The filmmakers intentions here are a little
muddy.
Some of the material is revealing. Moore notes that Eric Harris,
one of the perpetrators of the Columbine massacre, grew up in
Oscoda, Michigan, home to a Strategic Air Command base and a center
for activity during the Gulf War. Harriss father was an
Air Force pilot. Moore observes that the biggest employer in Littleton
is Lockheed Martin, the worlds largest weapons maker.
When the director asks a Lockheed Martin public relations spokesman
on camera if he sees any connection between the production of
weapons of mass destruction in the town and the violence at the
high school, the latter naturally demurs. He asserts blandly that
adults, when they are angry with each other, dont
simply start dropping bombs on one another.
Given that cue, the film then quite powerfully proceeds to
list murderous US interventions and military actions around the
world over the past half-century, from Iran and Guatemala in the
1950s, to Vietnam, Panama and the Persian Gulf and beyond. Moore
points out the role of the US in financing and inciting Islamic
fundamentalism, including figures such as Osama bin Laden. He
furthermore remarks that the shooting at Columbine occurred on
the same day as the heaviest bombing of Serbia by US-led NATO
forces.
Bowling for Columbine establishes certain points about
the official encouragement and prevalence of violence in American
culture. Moore is not able, however, to put his finger on a number
of truly critical issuesabove all, that the growth of militia
groups and the like, with their right-wing populist views, has
been associated with a crisis of political leadership and perspective
in the working class. It is nearly futile to speak about the growth
of the Michigan Militia, for example, without examining the void
created by the decay and current worthlessness of the trade unions,
in particular the United Auto Workers.
Moreover, it is necessary to grasp the direct link between
the glorification of guns in America and the individualist approach
to moral, political and social questions. Individual heroics have
proven no answer to the social chasm in the US. The great
equalizer, the gun, has proven to be no equalizer at all.
One has to account for the fact that the American ruling elite,
in the country with the greatest number of gun owners, has had
an easier time closing factories, laying off employees and gutting
social programs than any other in the advanced capitalist world.
Unwilling or unable to address these more complex historical
and social problems, Moore settles for the explanation that white
Americans own guns because of their historical fear of blacks!
One of the valuable portions of the film treats the case of
the six-year-old boy who shot a little girl, also six, in an elementary
school outside Flint, Michigan, Moores hometown and the
subject of his 1989 documentary recording its decay, Roger
& Me. Moore examines the circumstances of the boys
mother, Tamarla Owens, one of thousands of single mothers in Michigan
who were cut from the welfare rolls and moved into state-run work
programs.
Owens was obliged to travel five hours a day, by bus, to a
mall in suburban Detroit, where she held two low-paying jobs.
Despite working approximately twelve hours a day, she was unable
to keep up her rent payments and was facing eviction at the time
of the tragedy. She had left her young son at her brothers
house, where he allegedly found a loaded gun lying around.
The shots of desolate, devastated neighborhoods in Flint, once
a center of automobile production, are among the most effective
in the film. Here, one might say, in this poverty and the social
equality it underscores, is to be found the most profound explanation
for the myriad of social ills that Moores film touches upon,
but cannot fully explore. The filmmaker, despite many provocative
and appropriate salvos, remains a critic on the fringe of the
establishment and a supporter of the Democratic Party.
110901
In the wake of last years terrorist attack on New York
City and Washington, French producer Alain Brigand asked 11 directors
to make films 11 minutes, nine seconds and one frame in duration
(after the date of the attack as it known in most of the world,
11/09/01). While certain of the short films are thought-provoking,
and generally critical of US foreign policy, the work as a whole
does not speak to a particularly high level of understanding among
filmmakers of the events or the world situation.
Segments that stand out include the one directed by Samira
Makhmalbaf from Iran, who has filmed in an Afghan refugee camp
in Iran. Here young children work at brick making and attend a
school, if they can be enticed to show up, which is
no more than a dusty passageway; the students have few books and
only bricks to sit on. The teacher attempts to explain what has
happened in New York City to her pupils, who have no conception
of a skyscraper or any other feature of a modern city. The film
is one of those that manages to evoke genuine sympathy for the
victims of the attack and, at the same time, highlight the disastrous
conditions in Afghanistan and the region that might breed a terrorist
response.
The always inventive Egyptian director Youssef Chahine conveys
Arab and Palestinian fury at the US and its policies primarily
through the medium of a conversation between the director himself
and the ghost of a US marine killed in the terrorist attack in
Beirut in 1983. Chahine makes some legitimate points about the
catastrophic and deadly results of US actions around the world.
His reference, however, to the argument that American civilians
may make legitimate targets since they live in a democracy
and have elected the governments which carry out imperialist policies,
even if Chahine does not precisely solidarize himself with this
view, is quite reactionary.
Idrissa Ouedraogo from Burkina Faso has directed a piece about
a young boy in Ouagadoudou, the African nations capital
city, whose mother is ill and has no way to pay for medicine.
When he hears of the $25 million reward offered for the arrest
of Osama bin Laden and thinks he spies the latter in his city,
the boy organizes his friends to help him capture the Saudi fundamentalist.
They fantasize about the ways they could spend the money. Bin
Laden inevitably slips through their grasp. The point is made
about the desperate state of the population and its somewhat remote
relationship to the anti-terrorist crusade of the Bush administration.
In the segment directed by British director Ken Loach, a Chilean
exile, in a letter to the families of the New York City suicide
bombing, points to the events of another notorious September 11:
in 1973, when the Chilean military, backed by the US, overthrew
the Popular Front regime of Salvador Allende and established a
brutal dictatorship. The criticisms of American foreign policy
and hypocrisy are all to the good, but Loach has lost whatever
traces of Trotskyist political principle he once possessedthe
piece is a glorification of the social democrat Allende and his
Stalinist allies, whose reformist policies opened the door for
the military.
Mira Nair, from India, has filmed a moving account (based on
a true story) of a Moslem woman in New York City whose son disappears
at the time of the September 11 bombing. Eventually the FBI comes
to investigate, and the media subsequently floats the story that
the young man is a suspected terrorist. It turns out, on the contrary,
that the womans son, a police cadet, had raced to help people
at the World Trade Center and had died in the collapse of one
of the buildings. At the funeral the woman bitterly addresses
her dead son, First, they call you a terrorist, now they
call you a hero.
The American actor/director Sean Penn has created an odd little
allegory. A widower (played by veteran actor Ernest Borgnine),
whose small apartment is literally in the shadow of the twin towers,
imagines that his dead wife is still alive. With the light of
the sun blocked by the giant buildings, he seems to exist in a
half-dream world. The collapse of the World Trade Center opens
his eyes; in the light he suddenly grasps the realitythat
his beloved wife is long since dead. The film presumably suggests
that September 11 was a horrifying event which opened peoples
eyes to various harsh realities.
Cul de Sac
Garrett Scotts documentary Cul de Sac: A Suburban
War Story recounts the life and times of Shawn Nelson, the
unemployed plumber who stole a tank in 1995 and drove it through
the streets of Clairemont, in suburban San Diego, California.
Through interviews, news reports and industrial films, Scott explains
the circumstances that produced Nelsons mad act, which ended
with his being shot dead (avoidably by all accounts) by police.
The decay of Clairemont, a product of the postwar boom in the
defense industry, is at the center of the film. General Dynamics
once employed 30,000 people in the San Diego area. The drying
up of those and other high-paying jobs devastated working class
neighborhoods. Residents, including friends of Nelsons,
point to the sharp decline in living standards that took place
between the 1970s and the 1990s. Clairemont became and remains
a center of methamphetamine use and drug use generally, to which
Nelson also succumbed. In the last days of his life he was digging
a mineshaft in his backyard, convinced that deposits of gold were
to be found there. Cul de Sac pointedly depicts a condition
of economic and moral disintegration.
This concludes the series. See accompanying interview with
documentary filmmaker Travis Wilkerson.
See Also:
The Toronto International
Film Festival 2002: A conversation about cinema
[20 September 2002]
Part 2: Why are there so many
disappointing films?
[23 September 2002]
Part 3: Even in success, problems
[26 September 2002]
Part 4: Eight films
[28 September 2002]
Part 5: An interview with Frederick Wiseman,
director of The Last Letter
[2 October 2002]
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