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The New York Times and Bushs "shadow government"
How the media covers up the threat to democratic rights
By Patrick Martin
8 March 2002
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By any standard, the front-page report in the Washington
Post March 1 was a political bombshell. The leading newspaper
in the US capital reported that the Bush administration had activated
plans for a shadow government, drawn up under the
threat of nuclear war with the Soviet Union, to prepare for a
possible nuclear terrorist attack on Washington DC.
Hundreds of US officials were spending time in fortified bunkers
in mountainous areas of the East Coast, serving 90-day rotations
while they held themselves ready to assume the full powers of
the government in the event that Washington was destroyed.
The most significant aspect of this plan was that the secret
government-in-waiting consisted entirely of executive branch officials.
No officials of the legislative or judicial branches were included,
and neither the elected party leaders in Congress nor those in
the constitutional line of succession to the presidency were even
aware of the programs existence. Leading congressional Democrats
complained of being kept in the dark, and the issue was raised
prominently in the weekend television interview programs.
But one notable quarter in the media displayed little interest
in the issue. The New York Times, the most influential
daily newspaper in America, for decades the principal press representative
of liberal public opinion, gave only the most perfunctory attention
to the shadow government. Its first news article merely echoed
the Posts account. A small follow-up article dismissed
the administrations action as the activation of a longstanding
Cold War contingency plan that had no particular significance.
Those were the sole articles written by the Times reporting
staff about an issue that held center stage in Washington for
nearly a week. Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle addressed the
subject on several Sunday interview programs, pointing to the
extraordinary fact that, for the Bush administration, continuity
of government did not include the legislature or judiciary.
The Times buried his comments in an article devoted to
the Democrats mild criticism of Bushs conduct of the
global war on terrorism.
On Monday, the conflict over government secrecy and the Bush
administrations refusal to subordinate the executive branch
to normal constitutional constraints was intensified when Tom
Ridge, Bushs director of homeland security, announced he
would refuse to testify before a Senate committee holding hearings
on the White House request for $38 billion to fund domestic security
programs.
Both Democratic and Republican senators had requested that
Ridge testify. Meanwhile, several Republican senators, including
John McCain of Arizona and Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, joined Daschle
in criticizing the failure of the White House to notify Congress
of the continuity of government plans.
These controversies were front-page news in USA Today,
the Washington Post and many other US newspapers. The Times
reported extensively only on Ridges refusal to testify,
relegating all coverage of the shadow government to
two paragraphs in that article, noting that House Speaker Dennis
Hastert, an Illinois Republican, knew of the contingency plan.
The newspaper did not assess the significance of the fact that
Republicans were informed of the existence of the secret government,
but Democrats were not.
On Tuesday, after four days of public recriminations, the White
House called in Daschle and Senate Republican leader Trent Lott
to brief them officially on the continuity of government
plans for the executive branch, assuring them that similar measures
might be taken for the other two branches of government. The next
day House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt, a Democrat, received
a briefing.
The Times did not assign anyone from its large Washington
staff to report on these meetings and the statements of the Democrats
afterwards, running brief wire service accounts instead.
A series of lies by Bush aides have been exposed in the course
of the controversy, but the Times has taken no note of
them. The White House claimed that two Senate functionaries, the
secretary and sergeant at arms, had been briefed on the contingency
plan last September 22, and produced signed receipts acknowledging
the briefings. But this was quickly revealed to be a gross distortion.
The two officials issued a statement declaring that they had only
been given a tour of one of the bunkers, but were not briefed
on a program involving executive branch personnel being assigned
on a rotating basis to ensure operation of the executive branch.
Administration officials claimed that they had briefed Senator
Robert Byrd, who is fourth in the line of presidential succession,
on the shadow government. An aide to the Democrat disputed this
account, saying that Byrd had been offered information on the
succession process last June, when he became president pro
tempore of the Senate after the Democrats assumed control
of the upper house. Byrd was never told about the secret evacuation
of selected executive branch officials. Not once did they
say we want to talk about a government-in-waiting,
the spokesman said.
On Wednesday the White House was still engaged in an attempt
to head off public criticism of its secret plans. Press spokesman
Ari Fleischer deplored the label shadow government
and presented the standby operation as a routine bureaucratic
precaution that had no political significance.
He even claimed that continuity of government was
an entirely separate program from succession measures
aimed at ensuring the transition in the leadership of government
agencies in the event of an attack that killed top officials.
Fleischers verbal contortions were an attempt to dispel
the clear implication of the establishment of such a secret apparatus
of executive power: that the Bush administration is preparing
dictatorial measures to be unveiled once a suitable pretext, i.e.,
a real or purported terrorist attack on Washington, is found.
The Times has displayed an astonishing lack of interest
in the whole subject, expressed not only in its minimal news coverage,
but in the virtual silence of its editorial pages. Commentator
Maureen Dowd raised some concerns in her column, but there has
been no reference to the shadow government in any
Times editorial.
This silence is not an aberration, but part of a larger pattern:
the collapse of any commitment to the defense of democratic rights
in any significant section of the US ruling elite, including the
formerly liberal elements whose views are voiced by the Times.
This profound shift to the right was expressed in the editorial
support and practical assistance which the Times gave to
the investigations of the Clinton White House, inspired by the
Republican right, which culminated in impeachment.
The low point in this abandonment of democratic principlesat
least before September 11came in the acquiescence by the
Times and the rest of the liberal media to
the hijacking of the 2000 presidential election. As the Supreme
Court, by a 5-4 majority, expounded the principle that the American
people have no constitutional right to vote for president and
ordered a halt to the counting of votes in Florida, the Times
preached submission to the Courts authority and acceptance
of Bushs legitimacy.
Now, even the revelation that this illegitimate government
has established a secret, unelected government-in-waiting, behind
the backs of the American people and the Congress, fails to elicit
a response from the erstwhile guardians of liberalism.
This is not to say there has been no press concern about the
mounting threat to democratic rights, but such concern has been
limited to isolated columns in smaller regional newspapers.
The Times-Union of Albany, New York, editorialized March
5 that under Bushs plan the US government would be
handed over to some 100 unelected civilians in the event of a
catastrophe. It called this an unsettling prospect.
The News-Journal of Daytona Beach, Florida, took a sharper
line, headlining its March 4 editorial, White House junta
is undermining democracy.
The danger right now is not terrorism, the newspaper
declared. The danger is here at home, where zealotry is
substituting for policy-making, where the flag is turning into
the administrations fig leaf, and where slander is any oppositions
reward. Without robust dissent democracy might as well pack up
and head for the hills. So far, Daschles grumbles included,
dissent has been non-existent. This is not unity. Its not
patriotism. Its stupor.
Such comments in the American media have been few and far between.
The prostration of the New York Times is the rule, not
the exception. This demonstrates an important political truth:
the initiative for a struggle against the Bush administrations
policy of war-without-end abroad and the dismantling of democratic
rights at home will come, not from ex-liberal sections of the
ruling class, but from an independent political movement of the
working people.
See Also:
The shadow of dictatorship: Bush established
secret government after September 11
[4 March 2002]
Further delay in US congressional investigation
into September 11 attacks
[6 March 2002]
Once again on the New
York Times and Bushs police-state measures
[10 December 2001]
The 2000 election
and Bush's attack on democratic rights
[14 November 2001]
Bushs war at
home: a creeping coup détat
[7 November 2001]
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