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Sweden: IMF and OECD demand deeper social cuts
By Niall Green
29 August 2002
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Recent International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) reports on the Swedish
economy have called for a deepening of the decade-long assault
on social redistribution. With a general election on September
15, international and domestic capital is signalling that there
will be no let up in the drive to increase profits at the expense
of the living standards of broad sections of Swedish society.
An IMF report of August 7 states: Structural reforms
reinforced by EU [European Union] membership have helped raise
efficiency and [in] mitigating distortions associated with Swedens
large welfare state. These sentiments were already voiced
by a June 28 OECD report which makes clear that structural
reforms are needed to assure better medium term growth ... Rigorous
evaluation of performance in each area of public service would
also help to promote efficiency and identify low-return programmes.
Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) Minister of Finance,
Bosse Ringholm, welcomed the reports, saying that he shared many
of their conclusions. The SAP, propped up by their parliamentary
allies the Left Party and the Greens since 1998, has already been
engaged in implementing large scale reductions in government social
spending.
Government spending has fallen from 66.6 percent of GDP in
1993 to 51.3 percent in 2001. Though still at a relatively high
level compared to many other Western countries, the SAP, who replaced
the right wing Moderate government in 1994, has presided over
a period of social cutbacks on a scale unseen anywhere else in
Europe.
Two aspects of social spending that attract particular attention
from the IMF and OECD are sick pay and disability pensions. Increased
pressure in the workplace has forced tens of thousands more Swedes
to withdraw from work because of illness. The Swedish government
spends 113 billion Skr ($12 billion) per year, or 16 percent of
the national budget, on sickness and disability payments. The
IMF complains, [a] surge in sickness absenteeism and continued
high levels of disability retirement have eroded the labour supply.
They acknowledge that the huge cuts in government spending have
been largely responsible for creating the health crisis among
workers: It is possible that cuts in fiscal expenditures
during the second half of the 1990s led to a rise in work-related
stress, particularly in the health and education sectors.
Those whom capital drives to ill health are no longer to be
permitted a ready means of escape from work-related pressures.
The SAP plans to cut central government spending on sickness and
disability benefits in half by 2008 through a scheme called the
programme for a humane working life. While this speaks
of improving working conditions, the main thrust is to make receipt
of benefits more difficult. New eligibility criteria have been
introduced into the social insurance system. Under one proposal,
sick workers would be forced to resubmit to a further medical
re-examination after 60 days claiming sick pay. The more right-wing
parties such as the Moderates largely dispense with the SAPs
humane rhetoric, attacking government sickness spending as being
too generous (workers receive 80 percent of their pay) and for
encouraging laziness.
Education and health provision also come under the microscope
of the OECD and the IMF. The Swedish government is urged to reduce
the number of years taken by students to obtain qualifications
and to limit the duration for which they receive financial assistance,
and to require students to pay for part of their tuition fees.
Proposed individual learning accounts are rejected by the OECD
as another example of a policy that would take people away
from their work ... for what may be uncertain economic returns
on the additional investment in their human capital.
In the area of healthcare, the OECD wants to see the extension
of the already existing policy of using internal and external
markets, with the aim of identifying the scope for additional
use of private sector alternatives. Nor are the elderly
to be spared from austerity measures, as the increasing
proportion of elderly in coming years will put resources under
pressure ... Public funding allocated to this sector will need
to be weighed against the costs and benefits of meeting other
public priorities instead, especially given the well-established
tendency towards ever-increasing demand for health services when
the patient bears virtually none of the cost. In other words,
unless the infirm elderly are able to meet an ever-greater proportion
of the costs of treatment themselves they will be faced with a
greatly diminished service.
Sweden still has one of Europes more generous arrangements
for paid leave for parents and benefits to alleviate the financial
costs of bringing up a family. Naturally, this is also to be targeted.
Under the heading Could Greater Value for Money be Achieved
from Public Spending?, the OECD chastise the government
for recently extending parental leave claiming that prolonged
leave, as well as having fiscal consequences, can lead to skills
loss and lower labour supply.
While for most of the post-war era Sweden was hailed as a shining
example of good capitalism, a folkhemmet, (peoples
home) praised for its egalitarianism, from the start of the 1990s
fundamental economic changes have transformed Swedens social
and political physiognomy. In 1990 Sweden entered into a recession
that lasted until the middle of the decade. Problems faced by
Swedish capital in competing on a global stage were compounded
by the collapsing Soviet economy with which Sweden had developed
significant links. The economic crisis saw unemployment triple
to 14 percent and GDP fall by 6 percent between 1991 and 1993.
Youth, immigrants and single parents were worst hit, bearing the
brunt of cutbacks in employment and welfare.
The 1994 victory of the Social Democrats over the previous
Conservative Moderate-led Bildt administration saw the government
deepen public spending cuts at the behest of Swedish capital,
ably assisted by their partners in the trade union confederation
(the LO). Aiming to improve competitiveness on the world economic
stage by curtailing measures of social redistribution, the government
launched attacks on welfare, including pensions, health insurance
and child allowances.
While the economic upturn of the late 1990s resulted in some
limited reversals of the attacks on welfare provision, alterations
to the national economy mean that the social model of the post-war
period has been dealt a deathblow. Swedens generous social
provision was made possible by the existence of several globally
significant companies recycling profits through the Swedish economy.
However, in the last decade, many of the most notable of theseVolvo,
Saab, Ericsson, ABBhave either merged or been bought out
by foreign based companies, or have emerged as global players
in their own right. Either way, the drive by Swedish capital to
survive in the global economy has destroyed the national economic
basis that funded previous high levels of social expenditure.
Yet still the OECD warns that the profit share continues
to decline and is now lower than at its previous trough in 1990,
suggesting that more vigorous productivity growth or lower wage
inflation will be needed in order to substantially align the increases
in the business sectors costs and revenues.
In addition to this, Swedens 1995 entry into the European
Union has necessitated major cutbacks in public spending in order
to meet entry criteria.
The OECD makes plain that whichever party goes on to form a
government after September 15 must press ahead with the budget
cutting agenda of big business: Although many reforms to
public services have been made since the budgetary crisis in the
early 1990s, further reforms are needed both to improve the remaining
weak spots and to continue pursuing performance enhancement and
greater efficiency across the board.
See Also:
Swedish general election campaign focuses
on immigration
[28 August 2002]
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