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Finucane murder suspect shot dead in Northern Ireland
By Mike Ingram
15 December 2001
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The chief suspect in the murder of Irish civil rights lawyer
Pat Finucane was gunned down outside his house on Tuesday evening
in north Belfast.
William Stobie, 51, had been accused of aiding and abetting
the 1989 murder of Finucane, a lawyer who had defended several
prominent Republicans. Ulster Defence Association (UDA) gunmen
shot Finucane at his home in Belfast. It was alleged at the time
that they had acted on information provided by a British army
intelligence agent. An initial inquiry into the killing was held
in 1989, but its findings were never made public, prompting further
allegations of Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) collusion with
loyalist paramilitaries.
In 1990, the Department of Public Prosecution (DPP) interviewed
Stobie about the killing. At that time, the DPP said there was
not enough evidence to proceed against him, although Stobie claimed
the charges were dropped after he threatened to make public the
fact that he had warned the RUC in advance.
In April 1998, with negotiations underway to secure the Good
Friday Agreement, aimed at ending paramilitary violence and establishing
a cross-community Northern Ireland Assembly, London
Metropolitan Police Deputy Commissioner John Stevens was asked
to reopen his 1989 inquiry into the Finucane case.
The Stevens Inquiry resulted in fresh charges against Stobie,
based on evidence from a British official in the Northern Ireland
Office (NIO). Neil Mulholland, a press officer at the NIO Information
Department, gave the Stevens team a 28-page statement that named
Stobie as the man who supplied the weapons used to kill Finucane.
Mulholland had initially learned of Stobies role while working
as a reporter for a Belfast newspaper in 1990. He had informed
the RUC at the time, but they chose not to take any action.
Mulhollands evidence was used to charge Stobie in 1999
with the Finucane killing. Stobie became a high profile public
figure after revealing in court that he had worked as a police
informer at the time of the Finucane shooting. Stobie, a quartermaster
for the UDA, said he gave his RUC handler prior notice that a
hit was due to take place, but claimed he did not
know who the target was.
Prior to his initial arrest in 1990, Stobie had also told his
story to another journalist, Ed Moloney, northern editor of the
Sunday Tribune. Moloney agreed he would only publish the
notes of the interview with written permission from Stobie, or
in the event of his death. When he was rearrested in 1999, Stobie
asked Moloney to make his story known.
In July 1999, the Sunday Tribune published an article
in which Moloney revealed Stobies full story. It detailed
how he had given the information contained in the interviews to
Mulholland, and lent credibility to Stobies claims to have
been working as an informer at the time of the murder. Stobies
account tended to confirm the allegations of the Finucane family
and their supporters that the RUC were, at best, indifferent to
Patrick Finucanes murder.
But in a sudden twist, having earlier agreed to give evidence,
in November this year, Mulholland was said to be suffering from
manic depression and claimed he could become suicidal if forced
to take the witness stand. When the DPP agreed not to call Mulholland,
the case against Stobie collapsed and he was acquitted of all
charges last month.
Following the disintegration of the case against Stobie, the
Northern Ireland Office promised a further judicial investigation
of the Finucane murder, amid increasing demands for a full public
inquiry. Stobie had agreed to give evidence to such an inquiry,
which could well have shed more light on RUC involvement with
loyalist paramilitaries. The decision not to hear Mulhollands
evidence, and now Stobies convenient death will only fuel
suspicions of a cover-up or even state involvement.
The Red Hand Defenders, a cover name for the UDA and other
loyalist paramilitaries, have claimed responsibility for the Stobie
murder. It would certainly not be unusual for a self confessed
RUC agent who has made public statements on the activities of
loyalist organisations to be targeted for assassination. But questions
remain as to the role of the security forces in his death. The
police say they warned Stobie on December 2 about his personal
security, after a threat from loyalists. Yet although he was the
defendant in the upcoming Finucane murder trial he was given no
protection.
Finucanes family have expressed their regret over the
killing. In a statement they said, The family did not want
him murdered nor did they even want him prosecuted. All they wanted
was the truth. If a public inquiry had been established into Pats
murder instead of the Stevens police investigation, Billy Stobie
could have been granted anonymity and his identity unknown and
he would probably still be alive today.
At a press conference, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams reiterated
the demand for an international public judicial inquiry into the
murder of Finucane, and alleged links between the British security
forces and the loyalist death squads.
In light of the recent collapse of the Stobie case and
further revelations about the role of Brian Nelson, Sinn Fein
reiterates our support for the demand for an International Public
Judicial Inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane.
William Stobie was an RUC Special Branch Agent, Brian
Nelson was a British Army agent. Both were active members of the
UDA and have admitted to involvement in a series of murders,
Adams said.
Nelson had been an agent of the British Armys Force Research
Unit (FRU), a branch of Military Intelligence responsible for
running agents in Northern Ireland. The FRU was complicit in a
series of murders carried out by the UDA between 1987 and 1990.
His role as a British agent who became a UDA intelligence officer
was revealed when he was arrested in 1990 and brought to trial
for murder in 1992. In a deal struck with the Attorney General
at the time, Patrick Mayhew, Nelson agreed to plead guilty to
lesser charges and the murder trial was dropped. Nelson served
six years in jail and, according to the Sunday Telegraph,
was still on the army payroll in 1998.
It was revealed in 1992 that Nelson was passing on names, photographs
and addresses of suspected IRA members from Army Intelligence
records to UDA gunmen. In 1989, UDA men had released official
Army Intelligence documents to the media. Altogether 250 names,
photographs and addresses of alleged IRA suspects were handed
over, including a document claiming that one man they had killed,
Loughlin Maginn, was on army files as an IRA Intelligence Officer.
It was in response to these revelations that the first Stevens
inquiry was set up in 1989. Though seriously obstructed by Army
Intelligence, this investigation did lead to the exposure of Nelson:
his fingerprint was found on one of the documents that had come
from the UDA.
At this weeks press conference, Adams rejected the proposal
for another judicial inquiry as a delaying tactic, saying, I
am sure he [Prime Minister Tony Blair] has also read the various
reports produced by Stalker, Sampson and Stevens. So he and his
colleagues are aware of these matters. They are also no doubt
aware that this is not the case of a few bad apples... Pat Finucane
was killed as a matter of British policy.
As part of the Good Friday Agreement, the RUC has been re-badged
as the Police Service of Northern Ireland, in an effort to project
the pro-Protestant loyalist body as a cross-community force. Under
these conditions, the Blair government is desperate to get the
Finucane murder off the agenda and maintain the silence over Britains
involvement in it. In some circles, Stobies murder is no
doubt regarded as fortuitous, in that it keeps his role as a British
police agent hidden from public scrutiny for a little longer,
but the questions it raises could, in the end, prove just as damaging.
See Also:
New revelations in
murder of Irish civil rights lawyer
[25 August 1999]
Documents prove
British state organised murders in Northern Ireland
[10 April 1998]
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