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Why the Tampa refugees should be free to live in Australia
Statement by the Socialist Equality Party (Australia)
31 August 2001
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The Socialist Equality Party emphatically condemns the Howard
governments refusal to allow 460 refugees on board the Norwegian
freighter Tampa landing rights on Christmas Island and
free entry to Australia.
The governments position, supported to the hilt by the
Labor Party opposition, is a criminal act of inhumanity.
It brings to mind the infamous voyage of the St Louis
in 1939 when 937 Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Europe
were refused entry to both Cuba and the United States and were
returned to Belgium, which was shortly to be occupied by Nazi
forces.
The Cuban president of the time, Federico Bru, expressed his
concern for humanitarian considerations and the pitiable
situation of the refugees but denied them entry on the grounds
that their return to Hitlers Germany was the lesser
of two evils.
In denying access to the Tampa refugees, Howard echoed
Brus insistence on the paramount importance of national
sovereignty, declaring that whilst this is a humanitarian
decent country we are not a soft touch and we are not a nation
whose sovereign rights in relation to who comes here are going
to be trampled on.
The Howard governments actions are the culmination of
a decade of increasing vilification and repression of asylum seekers.
Locked up in virtual concentration camps upon their arrival, they
have been branded as illegals, akin to criminals.
Every action to protest against their inhuman treatment has been
met with increased repression, while successive governments have
used every resourcelegal, political and economicto
try to whip up public opinion against them.
Since taking office in 1996, the Howard government has enjoyed
the full backing of the Labor Party, which initiated the forced
detention of asylum seekers in 1992, and whose leader Kim Beazley
declared his full support to the denial of entry for the Tampa
refugees deeming it appropriate and in conformity with international
law.
The governments campaign against refugees, waged in the
name of defending the national interest, has inevitably
recalled the White Australia policy, which formed the central
plank of both major parties for the majority of the 20th century.
Already confronted by a powerful and growing working class
at the end of the 19th century, the Australian bourgeoisie could
not appeal to democratic ideals as it sought to forge an independent
nation lest these ideals became the basis for a social movement
challenging the private ownership of property. Accordingly it
forged a nationalist ideology based on fear: the necessity for
the protection of a white enclave within a hostile Asian environment.
At the beginning of the 21st century, Prime Minister Howard
revives this outlook as he seeks to play upon the economic and
social insecurities generated by his own policies and invokes
the national interest against refugees.
The on-going bipartisan campaign against asylum seekers and
the attempt to create a pogrom-like atmosphere against them raises
a basic question: What is their crime?
It is merely that they have sought to flee life-threatening
persecution and repression, economic deprivation and poverty and
to bring themselves and their families to a safe and secure environment.
This must be surely the most basic right of any individual. Yet
in seeking to exercise it, they have come face to face with the
Australian army.
In opposing the Howard governments response and demanding
the immediate right of entry for the Tampa refugees, the
SEP bases itself on one overriding principle.
There must be an inalienable democratic right of all people,
whatever their birthplace, to settle, live, work and study in
any part of the world of their choosing.
Every government around the world, and not least the Howard
regime, accepts as a fundamental principle the right of capital
to move freely all over the globe in accordance with the logic
of the free market. Capital must be free and money
must be accepted everywhere as a corporate global citizen.
Moreover, the wealthy have the right to live where they choose.
But this right is denied to working people.
Howard has made clear that for the government the central issue
is the defence of the national state. We cannot surrender
our right as a sovereign country to control our borders,
he said, and we cannot have a situation where people can
come to this country when they choose.
No third way
Here the issue is squarely posed: either defence of the unfettered
democratic right of people to move anywhere in the world, or the
defence of the right of the national state to impose restrictions
and exclude them. There is no third way.
This can be seen by examining the positions of some of Howards
critics, in particular the Greens and Australian Democrats. These
parties are not motivated by a defence of the right of immigrants
to live where they choose. Rather, they are voicing the concern
of sections of the ruling class itself that the governments
actions are damaging the Australias international profile
and its strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region.
Democrats leader Natasha Stott Despoja has called the governments
actions contemptible, inhumane and irresponsible
and demanded that the government review its decision. The refugees
should at least be assessed as asylum seekers under our
international obligations, she declared.
Greens Senator Bob Brown said the whole world was looking
on in astonishment as this wonderful country of ours, this rich
country of ours, says no to 400 people who are in clear distress
on the high seas, right at our back door.
But for the Democrats and the Greens, immigration is conditional.
Both parties oppose free entry as an unfettered democratic right.
According to the Australian Democrats latest policy statement,
the party stands for a non-discriminatory immigration program,
which gives priority to refugees and family reunion, the total
number of which, when included with overall population trends,
will not impede sustainability of the nations natural resources.
The Greens policy is similar. They maintain that immigration
policy must be set within the framework of a broader population
policy that takes account of our need to achieve our own
social, economic and environmental sustainability. The Greens
program also recognises that governments have a legitimate
right to detain unauthorised arrivals while their bona fides are
established.
While the Democrats and Greens oppose the governments
actions in this case, and argue for a more humane
refugee policy, they stand with Howard on one overriding principle:
that at some point the state must set limits to the inflow of
immigrants. The inexorable logic of their position is that if
those limits are threatened, the armed forces must be called in
to enforce them.
The SEP bases its position on a completely opposed principle:
the right of people to free movement all over the world. The inevitable
conclusion flowing from this internationalist principle is the
following: If the present economic and social order is unable
to accommodate those who want to immigrate, then it must be changed.
The basic doctrine of the Democrats and Greens is that the
right to entry must be restricted because, in the final analysis,
there are insufficient resources, either economic or natural,
to accommodate all those who would seek to migrate.
This position has deep historical roots in the ideology of
the capitalist social order. At the beginning of the 19th century
in Britain, the Reverend Thomas Malthus denied the possibility
of human progress and sought to obscure the root cause of the
social ills produced by the developing capitalist system by arguing
that there were too many people and the breeding
of the poor had to be restricted.
Those who today oppose the unfettered right of free movement
of immigrants on the grounds that resources are limited repeat
this argument: that excess populations, not the economic order
of capitalism, are the foundation of social problems.
Such arguments seek to obscure the real situation: that the
source of all wealth and social progress is the labour, both physical
and intellectual, of the working people.
A broader global process
The Tampa crisis is only the latest expression of a
broader global process. All over the world, capitalist governments
are denying the right of entry to refugees and immigrants on the
grounds that there is no room, and economic resources are limited.
Consequently, as many as 40 million refugees are denied safe
haven, most of them languishing in squalid camps in impoverished
countries, and 150 million working people now lead a semi-legal
half-existence subjected to the most terrible forms of exploitation
and state repression, while being denied basic democratic rights.
What an indictment of the global capitalist system!
Amid the vast advances in the spheres of technology and productive
capacity the capitalist ruling classes, with their system of nation-states,
borders, passports and visas have turned the world into a prison
for hundreds of millions of people.
Controls on migration are generally accepted as a given fact
of life. But it should be recalled that they did not exist
at the turn of last century. The paraphernalia of passports, rules
and regulations was only introduced to prevent the movement of
workers around the world, and reinforce the nationalist ideology
with which every capitalist government sought to cement its hold
on political power.
In 1990, launching the war against Iraq, US president George
Bush declared it was aimed at securing a new world order.
Barely a decade on, the real face of the new order
of global capitalism stands exposed.
The world-wide movement of refugees, displaced people and so-called
illegal immigrants is one of its products, spawned
by the innumerable wars, civil wars, ethnic conflicts and economic
deprivation to which it has given rise.
The deepening social and economic inequality that lies at the
heart of the refugee crisis, is spelt out in the language of hard
statistics. Situated at the apex of the global capitalist system,
the worlds richest 200 people saw their combined income
double between 1994 and 1998 to more than $1 trillionequivalent
to about one fortieth of global gross domestic product. The worlds
three richest people have assets greater than the combined output
of the 48 poorest countries.
In 1999 the United Nations World Development Report
estimated that for an expenditure of $40 billiona mere fraction
of the income of the top 200basic health, water sanitation,
education and nutrition could be provided for the entire worlds
population.
What these figures, and many others like them, reveal is that
the global refugee crisis, of which the Tampa standoff
is the latest terrible expression, is the product of the decaying
social order of global capitalism.
The only answer of the ruling classes to the crisis, which
their social system has produced, is the imposition of ever-greater
forms of repression. While the Australian government is seeking
to appeal to a national interest, working people have
common class interests with the refugees, not Howard. They have
the same basic needs and aspirations as those seeking to escape
oppression and exploitation worldwidedecent living standards,
social services, democratic rights and social equality.
Internationally, the working class must advance on a new road.
The planet must be made a fit place in which all can live and
work in common decency, free from all political and economic repression.
The present social system, based on the accumulation of private
profit in the interests of capital, must be overturned and a new
one constructed in which the vast productive resources created
by the labour of the worlds producers are used to meet human
need.
It is on the basis of this perspective that the SEP opposes
the brutal actions of the Howard government and demands immediate
and unrestricted entry for the Tampa refugees.
See Also:
Australian SAS troops seize Norwegian
freighter to prevent refugees from landing
[30 August 2001]
Australian government turns away 400
refugees stranded at sea
[28 August 2001]
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