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WSWS : News
& Analysis : Africa
Kenya's President Moi announces economic cutbacks in bid for
IMF funding
By Jean Shaoul
6 October 1999
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Kenya's President Daniel arap Moi has announced a major cabinet
reshuffle, a halving of the number of ministries and a 20 percent
cut in public spending. At least 60,000 civil service jobs will
be slashed by 2001 as part of a reform process intended
to make Kenya attractive to international investors. This takes
place amid ever increasing hunger, poverty and ethnic tensions.
Over the last two months Moi has brought a number of his political
opponents and businessmen into government. A prominent banker,
Martin Odour Otieno, has been appointed head of the finance ministry.
These moves are widely seen as a bid to secure the $220 million
IMF/World Bank funding that has been withheld for more than two
years. A government spokesman said that normalising relations
with international donors was vital in order to boost local and
foreign investor confidence.
Richard Leakey, the well-known palaeontologist and wildlife
conservationist, has been given a cabinet post as head of the
civil service. His remit is to fight "the twin evils that
have afflicted our country in recent years: corruption and inefficiency".
For years Leakey had been a thorn in the side of Moi's government.
Moi once described him as "arrogant and racist" and
"a neo-colonialist and traitor to his country". He now
describes him as "a man of determination and integrity".
Leakey, a third generation white Kenyan and son of world-famous
paleo-anthropologists Louis and Mary Leakey, first came to prominence
with his discoveries of ancient human remains near Lake Turkana,
in northern Kenya.
In the late 1980s he took over and transformed the Kenyan Wildlife
Service (KWS), a corrupt and inefficient organisation on the point
of collapse. This brought him into conflict with the Masai, who
bitterly resented their lands being turned into a national park
and their exclusion from areas designated for wildlife.
In 1993 Leakey lost both his legs below the knee in a plane
crash, widely thought to be an assassination attempt by his political
enemies in government. That he has now been brought into government
by Moi to clear out the corruption and mismanagement is testimony
to the economic and financial problems facing Kenya.
In spite of its claims to "African socialism", Kenya
was always a reliable ally of the West during the Cold War. President
Moi came to power as a relatively unknown in 1978, after the death
of Jomo Kenyatta, the country's first president. He began by initiating
a series of populist measures, in particular, an expansion of
education. But the twin impact of falling prices for agricultural
exports, coffee and tea, and rising prices for oil imports in
the 1970s resulted in growing indebtedness. Moi was forced to
accept the economic conditions of the IMF/World Bank's structural
adjustment loans in the early 1980s. By 1991, the number of conditionalities
had reached 150!
These exacerbated Kenya's economic problems and provoked an
attempted coup, the outlawing of political parties other than
Moi's KANU party in 1982, the suppression of basic democratic
rights and increased control over the civil service. His regime
faced growing national and international criticism over its appalling
human rights record, fraud and corruption.
The international bankers were happy to turn a blind eye to
this while it suited the exigencies of their Cold War policies
in Africa. Between 1986 and 1995 Kenya received more than $8 billion
in foreign aid, much of it channelled into non-governmental organisations
(NGOs). By 1992, annual debt repayments amounted to a massive
30 percent of export earnings.
In 1990 the death of a government minister in suspicious circumstances
led to mounting opposition to Moi's regime. Protests were violently
suppressed by the security forces and 20 people were killed in
the ensuing riots.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union, dictators like Moi and
Zaire's Mobutu could no longer play the Cold War card. The international
bankers became increasingly impatient at their ability to circumvent
at least some of their conditions and to siphon off the loans
into their own bank accounts.
The IMF/World Bank decided that their policies could only be
carried out by regimes representing different sectional interests
within the national bourgeoisie that were capable of enlisting
a measure of popular support. Western banks began to demand democratisation,
or "political conditionalities", alongside the economic
conditionalities imposed under structural adjustment. They froze
aid to Kenya and in December 1991 Moi was forced to repeal the
country's one-party law. Numerous political parties sprang up,
which in the main accepted the demands of the bankers and transnational
corporations.
Contrary to expectations, Moi won another term of office in
the 1992 elections. He had tight control of the media and briefly
expanded public expenditure to gain popular support. He was able
to divide his political opponents by provoking ethnic conflicts
over land rights in the Rift Valley. This resulted in the deaths
of hundreds of people and the displacement of tens of thousands
by organised groups of armed raiders.
A fiscal crisis in 1993 forced Musalia Mudavadi, the finance
minister, and Micah Cheserem, the central bank governor, to launch
what was to become the most rapid deregulation of an African economy
ever seen, in order to ensure that IMF loans would be forthcoming.
Import licences were scrapped, the Kenyan shilling was floated,
restrictions on the repatriation of profits by the transnational
corporations were lifted, price controls were abolished, and a
sweeping programme of privatisation and public expenditure cuts
began.
By 1996 substantial opposition existed within Kenya's ruling
elite, who saw their own privileges threatened. The IMF and World
Bank complained about delays in privatising the state-owned telecommunications
and power companiestwo important sources of patronage for
the ruling KANU party.
It was against this backdrop that the IMF, in 1997, suspended
a $220 million aid programme, which has still not been resumed.
The international bankers issued a list of demands, including
energy sector "reform", autonomy for the Kenya Revenue
Authority and the establishment of an independent anti-corruption
authority. They demanded the prosecution of those responsible
for the Goldenberg International scandal in the early 1990s, when
the government paid out $500 million in compensation for fictitious
exports.
In the 1997 elections, Moi once again faced a fractured opposition
with no coherent alternative economic strategy. Once again, the
government provoked inter-ethnic violence both on the coast and
in the Rift Valley, which displaced tens of thousands. Together
with their control of the media, this enabled KANU to cling to
power with a much-reduced majority.
In the last year, the number of protests and strikes have risen,
as teachers and other public sector workers go unpaid, and the
wages of those in work decline in value.
According to the latest World Bank Development Report,
Kenya last year recorded another fall in per capita income and
a net private capital outflow. Throughout the 1990s, GDP growth
has averaged 2.2 percent, less than half that of the 1980s and
less than the growth in population.
See Also:
Poverty, inequality and disease in Kenya
[6 October 1999]
Africa
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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