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Trade war over beef between Britain and France
By Chris Marsden
30 October 1999
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Economic tensions between Britain and France have grown throughout
this month to the point of provoking an all-out trade war.
The dispute began following the October 1 announcement by the
French government that it would reject the European Commission's
decision to lift a ban on British beef, issued six days earlier.
France based its decision on a report by its Food Safety Agency
(FFSA), which states that British beef is not safe for human consumption
as it is still not free from BSE or "Mad Cow Disease".
The EU imposed the ban on British beef in 1996, after a link was
established between eating BSE-infected meat and a new variant
of the deadly human brain-wasting disorder Creutzfeldt-Jakob Disease
that has killed over 40 people.
The French decision provoked an immediate and angry response
from British farmers and the tabloid press. The next day the Blair
Labour government asked the European Commission to take action
against France. EC president Romano Prodi promised legal action,
but only if scientific advisers found no evidence to support France's
position.
France agreed to allow British beef to be transported across
its borders, but not to be sold in its markets. British farmers
began to organise an anti-French campaign and the press followed
suit with lurid denunciations of the French people dating back
as far as the battle of Agincourt in 1415 and including obligatory
nationalist references to France's defeat at the hands of the
Nazis in World War II.
The situation worsened on October 8, when Germany delayed a
decision to import British beef until a scientific examination
of the FFSA's report.
British Agriculture Minister Nick Brown vowed to personally
boycott all French goods. Other Labour MPs called for a boycott
of all French and German produce, while the Conservative opposition
and the tabloid papers demanded this and more from the government.
For the next two weeks, protests and counter-protests were organised
by British and French farmers, blocking lorries at channel ports.
On October 13 the European Commission found that the FFSA report
was based on a misinterpretation of scientific findings, primarily
regarding the age of cattle infected with BSE, but submitted it
for further examination. At the October 15 EU summit in Finland,
Blair pointedly refused to shake hands with French Prime Minister
Lionel Jospin and threatened legal action over the ban. Many British
supermarket chains began partial bans on French produce and schools
in some Conservative-controlled authorities followed suit.
On October 23, an EU report was released confirming that human
and animal sewage has been used by France's rendering industry
to make animal feed. The investigation began in August, after
a German television report uncovered the fact that feed had been
contaminated with dangerous pesticides, heavy metals and human
waste. From then on the war of words between the two countries
was peppered with charges of "hypocrisy" levelled against
the French and warnings that eating its produce could lead to
food poisoning.
Nick Brown swiftly promised that food labelling was to be tightened
up to allow consumers to make "informed choices". The
National Farmers Union announced that a "Great British Food
Brand" scheme would be launched at a conference to be addressed
next month by Brown. In the midst of all this, the advice of a
scientific advisory committee to the Blair government that there
is no case for banning French meat was met with derision.
French Agriculture Minister Jean Glavany announced he was cancelling
a planned visit to Brown. The head of France's biggest farmers'
union, Luc Guyau of the FDSEA, warned of a blockade of Britain:
"England is an island. An island is easier to blockade than
a continent," he said.
Blair was forced to call Jospin to try and resolve the issue,
while he publicly said, "a tit-for-tat illegal trade war
with other European countries is not in our interests". Jean
Glavany said later that conditions for a "quiet dialogue"
were not in place.
EU scientists gave their findings on the 600-page French dossier
yesterday, ruling unanimously that there was no reason to revise
the earlier decision on British beef. Earlier reports said the
investigating committee was split. This will now be passed on
to the European parliament, but should France maintain its position,
any legal action against it could take months.
France claims that the decline in BSE cases in Britain has
been less rapid than the Blair government says. It points out
that BSE cases in the UK are at 650 per million cattle, compared
with fewer than two per million in France, and that this refutes
claims of a problem-free national herd. Britain denies this and
states that the majority of cases now appear in cows over 30 months
old and therefore in animals that will not enter the food chain,
let alone be exported.
The situation regarding the safety of beef does not appear
to favour Britain or France. There is substantial evidence to
suggest that neither country is safe regarding BSE. Britain's
BSE eradication programme is based on the assumption that cattle
under two years of age are safe to eat, even though symptoms do
not show for some time after that. For its part, the head of the
French veterinary service in one region charged with eradicating
BSE from its animals has admitted that inspectors had checked
just 28 out of 700,000 cows for the disease this decade. Of these
five tests had proved positive. Aside from this minimal check,
French farmers are left to report cases in their own herds. But
if they do so they stand to lose all their cattle, which acts
as a powerful disincentive. France is the only country outside
of Britain where someone has died of the new variant CJD.
Neither country will be pleased by reports that Swiss scientists
have developed a diagnostic technique that identifies BSE prior
to the emergence of obvious symptoms. In both countries, maintaining
the profitability of the industry has superseded questions of
public health in tackling the BSE crisis. Similar commercial considerations
also underlie the growing tensions between the two countries.
On one level the dispute is damaging to both Britain and France.
Britain bought 25 billion francs ($4.1 billion) worth of food
and agricultural goods from France in 1998, more than a tenth
of the total 230 billion francs ($37.7 billion) exported. In comparison,
Britain sold 13 billion francs ($2.1 billion) worth of farm goods
to France last year.
This month, however, Britain announced a halving of profits
in the beef industry, largely as a result of the BSE crisis. Cattle
farmers are desperate to put the issue behind them. In comparison
French producers have increased their share of the domestic beef
market from 75 percent to 90 percent, largely as a result of the
absence of British competition.
But far more is involved than the fate of the two countries'
beef industries. The "beef war" has become the focus
for a major anti-European campaign in Britain, uniting agricultural
concerns with the Conservative Party and sections of the media
such as the Daily Mail and Daily Telegraph.
The issue erupted days after Blair announced the launch of
a major cross-party campaign to promote closer ties between Britain
and Europe, which brought on board leading pro-European Conservatives
like Kenneth Clarke and Michael Heseltine.
Ever since the beef dispute began, it has been used as a stick
to beat Blair with by those elements within the ruling class opposed
to closer economic and political integration with Europe. For
his part, Blair has bent over backwards to ingratiate himself
with his right-wing critics. The pro-European campaign he heads
was initially conceived as a way of promoting Britain joining
the European currency, the euro. This was quietly dropped, in
face of demands to preserve the pound as a symbol of national
pride and independence. In September Blair was lobbied by the
NFU to demand greater subsidies due to falling profits, despite
an earlier pledge of half a million in additional aid from a government
that has refused any other appeals for increased public spending.
Caught on a back-foot, by the time he appeared at the October
15 EU summit, Blair's own political agenda was in thrall to that
of his opponents. Talks at the summit were based on comprehensive
plans to integrate European policing and immigration policy. Instead
of being able to build on efforts to establish friendly relations
with France and Germany, the two main social democratic governments
on the continent, he was sidelined into pathetic gesture politics.
Jospin has his own domestic problems that militate against
a climb-down on the beef question, not least the massive unpopularity
of any decision to do so amongst French voters. There is, moreover,
an equally vociferous protectionist lobby in France, made up of
small farmers, the Front National, the Communist Party, union
leaders and green activists. This lobby has until now taken a
strongly anti-American stance, focusing on American sanctions
against French food imports, imposed in retaliation for Europe's
ban on US hormone-fed beef. But there are forces within it hostile
to the EU and to Britain in particular, given its perceived role
as an American proxy in political affairs.
Jospin has been competing with his Gaullist rivals to win over
these forces in the run-up to the World Trade Organisation negotiations
on November 30. He has promised to be "extremely firm in
the defence of our national interests and those of the European
community" and "make sure that the WTO embraces the
new problems of food safety and the environment". A retreat
on BSE at this point would severely undermine his credibility.
Both governments give the appearance of being caught up by
events and forces beyond their control. The Foreign Offices of
both countries, for example, have expressed grave concern that
the row over beef could undermine plans to develop a common European
defence capability. France and Britain, as Europe's two major
nuclear and military powers, have played a key role in efforts
to develop a combined European military policy. An Anglo-French
summit on the issue is due for November 25 in London. But a French
diplomat told the Financial Times, "if this problem
is not settled, it will be really very difficult for both parties
to have the summit."
See Also:
As WTO prepares for "Millennium
Round"
World trade conflicts intensify
[18 August 1999]
First bananas, now beef fuels
US-EU trade war
[14 May 1999]
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