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Scotland's top defence lawyer exposed as a Protestant bigot
The Orange Order's continued influence at Rangers FC
By Steve James
1 July 1999
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On Scottish Cup Final day this year Rangers Football Club beat
their Glasgow rivals Celtic 1-0. The same evening, Rangers vice-chairman
Donald Findlay attended a celebratory function in Ibrox Park,
his team's ground. There Findlay, Scotland's top defence lawyer,
was captured on video leading the singing of sectarian anti-Catholic
songs. The Daily Record newspaper led with the news in
its Monday June 1, 1999 edition and Findlay quickly resigned as
Rangers' vice-chair.
Findlay is a leading member of the Conservative Party in Scotland
and was the public face of the Tory campaign against Scottish
devolution. As a lawyer, he has defended loyalists who have murdered,
or attempted to murder Celtic supporters.
Football has long been used as a vehicle through which to foster
and encourage sectarian antagonisms in the working class. Throughout
this century, the three major Scottish cities have had rival Protestant
and Catholic football teams, through which sport became a vehicle
for the poisonous influence of religious and social bigotry. Most
notorious was the rivalry between Celtic and Rangers. Both clubs
built enormous stadiums late last century. The sporting antagonism
was added to by Rangers flying the Union Jack, while Celtic hoisted
the Irish tricolour. Similar, though less developed phenomena,
could be seen in cities hosting rival teams like Manchester (United
and City) and Liverpool (Liverpool FC and Everton).
Although the Orange Order in Scotland has ostensibly kept out
of politics, on several occasions right wing Protestant politics
has emerged as a force in Glasgow and Edinburgh. In 1923 the Church
of Scotland produced a report called "The Menace of the Irish
Race to our Scottish Nationality". Church ministers, the
Orange Order and the Conservative Party (more correctly, the Conservative
and Unionist Party) began lobbying against Irish immigration,
which was portrayed as a threat to job security an image
reinforced amongst skilled and semi-skilled Protestant workers
by immigrants being used as a low-wage unskilled workforce. The
campaign railed against state support for Catholic schools and
did its utmost to secure the defeat of Catholic Labour MPs.
In 1931, in conditions of economic crisis, and in the aftermath
of Labour's notorious decision to form a National Government under
Ramsay McDonald, the Scottish Protestant League won seats on Glasgow
City Council. An even more vitriolic anti-Catholic Party, Protestant
Action, won six seats on Edinburgh council in 1936, driving Labour
into third place and winning 30 percent of the vote. Protestant
Action formed a paramilitary wing, the Kaledonian Klan, and organised
large anti-Catholic demonstrations in Edinburgh. A Protestant
gang-leader from Glasgow formed a section of Oswald Moseley's
British Union of Fascists.
The Labour Party and the trade unions have not distinguished
themselves in their attitude to sectarianism. While workers have
continually fought to erase ancient divisions, the Labour bureaucracy
has provided yet another vehicle for both Protestant and Catholic
chauvinism. In Where is Britain Going? Leon Trotsky noted
the willingness of particular Scottish Labour leaders to defend
the rights of the Scottish Protestant Church, some going as far
as threatening to annul the 1707 Treaty of Union. ILP member and
one-time left Tom Johnston gave space in his newspaper Forward
to the leadership of Protestant Action.
In other areas, Labour became much like an exclusively Catholic
party. During their long political reign in Scotland, Labour has
traditionally received the support of the Catholic Church. This
is bound up with Labour's defence of separate schools for Catholic
children, as well as the clique relations they established in
local government. As late as 1995, a scandal erupted when members
of Monklands District Council in Lanarkshire were accused of favouring
a traditionally Catholic area for social spending, at the expense
of a neighbouring traditionally Protestant town. Similar issues
were posed in Glasgow itself, which was notoriously run by a "Catholic
Mafia" of Labour bureaucrats with close ties to various building
companies and Celtic FC.
During the postwar period, Orangeism remained a significant
influence in Scotland until the demise of the heavy industries,
where it found its constituency within the relatively more privileged
layers of workers. The nationalisations of the 1950s and 1960s
undermined the direct relationship with Protestant or Tory employers.
The new electronics industry, which has grown up since the 1970s,
with its global ownership and production process, is indifferent
to the intricacies of religious discrimination and simply wants
low wages for everyone.
Orangeism has dwindled, and is mostly confined to Rangers supporters,
but nevertheless retains a membership of around 25,000. Among
Rangers followers, moreover, there is considerable support for
the loyalist paramilitary killers of the Ulster Volunteer Force
and Ulster Defence Association. Until fairly recently, no Rangers
player could have a Catholic girlfriend, and no Catholic ever
played for Rangers until 10 years ago. Rangers player Paul Gascoigne
was disciplined when he imitated playing a flute at one match
a reference to the flute bands used to head the Orange
marches intended to intimidate Catholic areas. Andy Goram, formerly
a Rangers goalkeeper, appears to enjoy hobnobbing with loyalist
paramilitaries in Belfast, according to several press reports.
Three years ago the entire team was warned not to sing the Orange
anthem, "The Sash", in their dressing room after winning
another trophy.
The Findlay affair exposes the pretensions of Rangers owner,
millionaire David Murray, to have eliminated religious bigotry
from the club. Such claims are quite clearly only for public consumption.
Murray and his counterparts and business rivals at Celtic see
the sectarianism previously encouraged by both clubs which
has led to several deaths and countless stabbings as an
obstacle to the profits to be made from global TV rights to screen
soccer matches.
So Findlay resigned, unrepentant, angry only at having been
caught out. The response to this from within the city's social
elite has been most informative. A defence campaign of other lawyers
has been formed to oppose any attempts to discipline Findlay by
his professional body the Faculty of Advocates. St Andrew's
University, where Findlay is rector, has decided to merely delay
granting him the traditional honorary degree. The Students Association
at the university has given him unqualified support.
The general approach seems to be to hope the affair will blow
over. Findlay can get away with a mild censure, and the dignified
business of administering Scottish justice and making immense
profits out of selling sectarianism wrapped up as football can
continue as usual.
Sources:
1. Leon Trotsky, Where is Britain Going?
New Park 1978
2. Elaine MacFarland, Protestants First, Edinburgh University
Press 1990
3. Tom Gallagher, Protestant Extremism in Urban Scotland,
in Modern Scottish History Vol. 4, Tuckwell Press 1998
See Also:
The American right and Scottish
nationalism
[3 February 1999]
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