|
WSWS : News
& Analysis : North
America : The
Brutal Society
The fight to free Mumia Abu-Jamal and the defense of democratic
rights
Statement of the Socialist Equality Party of the US
23 April 1999
Also available in PDF format
The defense of Mumia Abu-Jamal has become a focal point of
the struggle in the United States and internationally against
political repression, racism and capital punishment. The issues
in his case go to the defense of democratic rights as a whole
and the fight for social justice. It is critical that the campaign
against the execution of this political prisoner, to secure a
new trial and win his freedom, be broadened to involve ever wider
layers of working people, youth and students.
Well before his 1982 frame-up, Mumia was targeted for persecution
by the FBI, former mayor Frank Rizzo and the Philadelphia police
department because of his outspoken opposition to police brutality
and racism. Since his imprisonment Mumia has been a courageous
and articulate opponent of capital punishment and the inhuman
treatment of prisoners.
There should be no illusions about the intent of the authorities.
They are determined to carry out the final act of their political
vendetta against Mumia and to silence him once and for all. His
execution would have far-ranging consequences. Such a high-profile
state killing, the first execution of a political prisoner in
decades, would signal an intensification of political repression
and further restrictions on democratic and civil rights. The authorities
aim to make an example of Mumia and create an atmosphere of intimidation
and fear to curtail all forms of dissent.
The connection between the persecution of Mumia and the wider
attack on democratic rights is underscored by the campaign by
politicians and police officials to stop the protest movement
against Mumia's execution. Last January New Jersey Governor Whitman
led a witch-hunt against the benefit concert for Mumia in East
Rutherford. In New York City Mayor Giuliani's police have broken
up meetings called to build support for Mumia. Most recently,
Philadelphia Mayor Rendell attempted to restrict the number of
participants in the April 24 march to 500, and prevent supporters
from publicizing the protest the night before in many downtown
areas.
In taking forward the struggle to defend Mumia, it is above
all necessary to grasp the connection between his case and the
social and political crisis in America that underlies it. The
growing assault on democratic rights is rooted in the pervasive
inequality that plagues American society. The US today has the
greatest disparities of wealth of any major industrial country.
A small elite headed up by Wall Street speculators, bankers and
corporate executives amasses ever-greater levels of private wealth,
while the vast majority of working people face an ever more difficult
struggle to support their families.
Over the past 20 years workers have seen their living standards
stagnate or decline. It takes both spouses working, often holding
down multiple jobs and working long hours of overtime, just to
put food on the table and pay the rent or mortgage. In the midst
of an unprecedented boom in corporate profits and share values
on the stock market, huge social problems fester and grow more
malignant. The media, in its delirium over the spectacular bull
market, ignores the worsening crises in health care (43 million
Americans with no insurance), housing and education, and pays
little heed to the growth of poverty, hunger and homelessness.
The greatest impact falls on young workers and children, whose
poverty rates are soaring.
The entire political establishment, including both big business
parties, barely makes a pretense of concern for the plight of
the great mass of working people. All of its policies are concentrated
on sustaining a "business climate" which props up the
stock market and favors the rich, through tax cuts for the wealthy
and the gutting of social programs.
Beneath the surface veneer of prosperity, the class contradictions
of American society are intensifying. In the final analysis such
levels of social inequality are incompatible with democracy. A
political establishment that is neither willing nor able to meet
the needs of the vast majority of the population is increasingly
compelled to rely on brute force to defend the economic elite.
It is no accident that the economic changes of the last 20
years have been accompanied by the ascendancy of the politics
of reaction and repression: law-and-order, the criminalization
of the poor, the prosecution of children as adults. The glorification
of the capitalist market finds its most grotesque political expression
in the assembly line of state executions, occurring almost on
a weekly basis.
Political reaction at home goes hand in hand with the growth
of militarism abroad. Is it a mere coincidence that the advanced
industrialized country with the highest percentage of its population
locked up behind bars is also the world's biggest international
bully? The modus operandi of American foreign policy--attacking
one weak and virtually defenseless nation after another--is entirely
in keeping with the methods of brutality and repression employed
against large sections of the population at home. The eruption
of US militarism now finds its bloody expression in the NATO war
against Yugoslavia.
The Clinton administration is making clear that the war in
the Balkans is only the first of many future military interventions
around the world which the United States will conduct in the name
of "human rights." But as the worldwide campaign against
the frame-up of Mumia and the growing international criticism
of US executions and police murders demonstrate, America is increasingly
becoming the symbol, not of freedom and human rights, but of police
brutality, social reaction and racism.
Social inequality and political repression at home, imperialist
war abroad--these conditions will inevitably produce great struggles
within the United States. There are already many indications of
rising popular discontent. Thousands of working people and youth
in the US and internationally are participating in protests and
work stoppages to demand Mumia's freedom. In New York City numerous
protests have been carried out against the police murder of the
22-year-old African immigrant, Amadou Diallo. Despite the lies
of the Pentagon, the White House and the news media, there is
growing discontent over the war in the Balkans.
Those who wish to defend Mumia Abu-Jamal and oppose the abuse
of democratic rights must find the means to link his case in the
consciousness of broad layers of the population to the great social
issues which masses of working people confront. The central issue
is question of program, perspective and leadership. On what political
basis must this struggle be pursued?
The great lesson of the movements of the 1960s is that the
evils of American society cannot be redressed simply through protests
and moral appeals to the powers-that-be. As long as the economic
and political power remains in the hands of the ruling elite,
social justice cannot be attained.
The Clinton administration has been the clearest proof of the
dead-end of a political perspective that accepts the domination
of the working people by the two big business parties, and bases
itself on appeals to the Democratic Party in particular. Clinton
has championed the death penalty and law-and-order repression,
while embracing anti-democratic proposals from the Effective Death
Penalty Act, to so-called anti-terrorism bills, to attacks on
immigrants' rights. Nor can the judiciary, which has become a
bastion of the ultra-right, be relied on to provide justice.
The great social force that has the potential to fundamentally
change society in the interests of the vast majority of the people
is the working class. But this can only occur when working people
unite as an independent political force by breaking with the Democrats
and building a mass political party of their own. Such a party,
based on a socialist program, must fight for economic justice
and social equality, for an end to racism and an expansion of
democratic rights, above all by establishing the democratic control
of the working people over society's resources.
The key to building a movement to free Mumia is to turn to
the masses of working people on the basis of an independent political
program that addresses the great social issues of the day: the
fight for jobs, housing, education and health care, and the struggle
against militarism. On the basis of such a struggle, ever broader
layers of the population will come to understand that the same
forces that are victimizing Mumia are victimizing the entire working
class, and that the law-and-order witch-hunt against directed
against him is aimed at the rights of all working people.
No one should underestimate the determination of the authorities,
or the seriousness of the struggle that lies ahead. In so far
as the fight to defend Mumia identifies itself with the broadest
layers of working people and provides them with a political road
forward, the struggle to save him will be enormously strengthened.
See Also:
The political issues in
the fight to defend Mumia Abu-Jamal
[26 February 1999]
Top of page
The WSWS invites your comments.
Copyright 1998-2008
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved |